1 Introduction
Mark McLelland and Romit Dasgupta
More than a century and a half after Japonisme first swept the salons of Europe, Japan, far more so than other more populous countries of âthe Orient,â still provides Western media with an endless supply of exotic and enticing images. Recent movies such as Kill Bill, The Last Samurai, Lost in Translation and Japanese Story have presented viewers with a repertoire of familiar characters â from samurai, yakuza, geisha and ninja, to the more quotidian salaryman. These movies, populated by all our favorite Japanese characters, seem so very satisfying (and credible) because they offer, as Edward Said points out, âa world elsewhere, apart from the ordinary attachments, sentiments, and values of our world in the Westâ (1995: 190).
This longstanding fascination with Things Japanese (the title of an 1891 collection by Basil Hall Chamberlain) is perhaps best illustrated by Arthur Goldenâs (1998) best-seller Memoirs of a Geisha, the success of which saw the release of numerous other works about Japanâs traditional âfloating world.â Indeed, travelers passing through airport bookshops in the early years of the present century will no doubt have noticed entire shelves dedicated to books on this topic. It would be unlikely that a book about a Chinese or an Indian courtesan, no matter how skillfully written, would have gained the same popularity. Memoirs of a Geisha was able to become so popular because it confirmed (admittedly in the context of a skillfully written and engaging narrative) everything that we think we already know about Japan.1 It is the very âauthenticâ feel of the novel Anne Allison (2001) identifies as a major factor behind its success. As Allison observes, the novel resonates because it fits so well with widespread orientalist notions that are routinely entertained about Japan in societies of the West. She comments that the book is âOrientalist in the Saidean sense of treating the âOrientâ as innately different from the âWestâ whose culture homogenizes as well as differentiates âthemâ from âusââ (2001: 382).
While this repertoire of characters borrowed from Japanese history makes for engaging cinema, it does little to advance our understanding of Japanâs complex modern society which is subject to the same global trends and influences that are resulting in demographic and social shifts in other post-industrial nations such as the US, the UK and Australia. Notions of âhomogeneityâ and, more recently, âhegemony,â have come under attack from a variety of theorists who have analyzed how the shift from âtraditionalâ to âmodernâ ways of living, thinking and working have been characterized by increasing differentiation and segmentation â within populations as much as markets. Giddens (1992), for instance, notes the development and proliferation of diverse âlifestyle sectorsâ within previously undifferentiated communities which are challenging received notions about how certain types of individuals should live their lives. Traditionally, gender has been a major divide structuring the kinds of lifestyle choices that individuals have been able to make but, in contemporary society, gender exerts less and less influence on an individualâs chosen life path. Issues of gender are increasingly complicated by the rise of a new category â sexuality, or better sexual orientation â which has emerged in Japan, as it has in the US and elsewhere, as a major node around which individuals are constructing their lifestyles.
This collection of essays focuses on changing notions of gender and sexuality in Japan in order to highlight the diversity which exists (and which, to an extent, has long existed) among Japanese people. Following the recent trend toward pluralizing concepts such as âgenderâ in order to highlight the diversity that these terms tend to mask when used in the singular, we present a series of essays focusing on a wide range of Japanese genders, transgenders and sexualities. We include the term transgenders here to stress that despite the proliferation of âmasculinitiesâ and âfemininitiesâ in contemporary societies, increasing numbers of people are choosing to live outside this binary structure; that is they prefer to live beyond or between conventional gender categories. Drawing extensively upon Japanese-language materials, as well as fieldwork with a range of Japanese individuals and communities, the authors in this collection present much new information about recent changes in Japanese constructions of gender and sexuality. We begin by considering the nature and the scope of research into Japanese gender and sexuality up until now.
Beyond homogeneity?
Vera Mackie has observed that Japanese âmodels of citizenship implicitly privilege the male, white-collar âcitizen in a suitââ (2000: 246) and it is due to the marginalized position that women have occupied in a range of social situations that we have such a wealth of studies of Japanese women. These include studies ranging from the prewar âpeasantâ femininities enacted by village women described in Smith and Wiswellâs (1982) Women of Suye Mura to the urban womenâs political activism outlined by Mackie (1997) in Creating Socialist Women in Japan and Sieversâs (1983) history of early feminist thought, Flowers in Salt: The Beginning of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan. Other important studies of contemporary women include Kelskyâs (2001) Women on the Verge: Japanese Women, Western Dreams, an investigation of Japanese womenâs internationalism, and LeBlancâs (1999) study of womenâs participation in local politics, Bicycle Citizens: The Political World of the Japanese Housewife.
In contrast to these numerous investigations into a range of Japanese womenâs lifestyles and philosophies, little attention has been paid to the variety that exists among Japanese men. Indeed, it is not much of an exaggeration to state that âwe know virtually nothing about the practices Japanese men use to construct their masculinityâ (Sturtz Streetharan 2004: 82). The lack of even a single monograph which takes the construction of masculinity in Japan as its focus testifies to this extreme imbalance. To an extent, as Taga points out in his chapter in this volume, male experience has historically been taken as paradigmatic of human experience and only womenâs lives have been seen as different, problematic, deficient or in some other way âmarkedâ and thereby in need of specific study.
While human experience is typically portrayed through the lives and achievements of men, to the extent that men as a category have been studied, there has also been a pronounced focus upon relatively elite men. The âsalarymanâ has for a long time been seen as the be-all and end-all of Japanese masculinity and it is his life and values that have attracted the most research (Vogel 1963; Plath 1964; Ballon 1969; Rohlen 1974; Clark 1979; van Helvoort 1979; Beck and Beck 1994). While this trend began with works such as Vogel (1963) and to a certain extent even Dore (1958), perhaps the most influential work on the salaryman has been that by Japanese anthropologist Nakane Chie. In 1967 Nakane devoted an entire chapter to the description of the âCharacteristics and Value Orientation of Japanese Manâ in her influential work Tate shakai no ningen kankei: tanâitsu shakai no riron (Inter-personal relationships in a vertically structured society: a theory of a homogenous society), translated into English in 1970 as Japanese Society. This book was warmly received in Japan and it was translated into English with government support so as to provide a textbook explaining Japan to the West. Still in print after over 30 years and frequently set as an introductory reader on Japanese anthropology courses, countless students have used this book as a resource in developing their understanding of Japan and Nakaneâs theories, particularly her description of Japan as an âhomogenous society,â have exerted a strong influence, not only on the discipline of Japanese studies, but via popular journalism, upon media representations of Japan in general. Three decades later, Nakaneâs description of the Japanese man (as if all men in Japan shared the same characteristics and all possessed a single value orientation) is clearly seen as a nihonjinron (Japanese uniqueness)2 argument, but it is only in the last few years that studies problematizing Nakaneâs depiction of the elite, heterosexually married, white-collar salaryman as the paradigmatic embodiment of Japanese masculinity have become available in English. These include Fowlerâs (1996) investigation of Tokyoâs day laborers, Sanâya Blues: Laboring Life in Contemporary Tokyo, Robersonâs (1998) study of male factory workers, Japanese Working Class Lives: An Ethnographic Study of Factory Workers, and Roberson and Suzukiâs (2003) pioneering collection Men and Masculinities in Contemporary Japan, which is significantly subtitled Dislocating the Salaryman Doxa.
Likewise, it is only in the past few years that English scholarship has shown an interest in previously overlooked âmarginalâ or âliminalâ sexual and gender identities (although in terms of the historical record, these patterns of behavior were hardly marginal at the time). Leuppâs (1995) Male Colors: The Construction of Homosexuality in Tokugawa Japan, Pflugfelderâs (1999) Cartographies of Desire: Male-Male Sexuality in Japanese Discourse 1600â1950 and McLellandâs (2000) Male Homosexuality in Modern Japan have traced developments in male homosexual identity and practice from the Tokugawa period through to the end of the last century, while Robertsonâs (1998) Takarazuka: Sexual Politics and Popular Culture in Modern Japan and Chalmersâs (2002) Emerging Lesbian Voices from Japan have looked at lesbian identities from the Taisho period until the 1990s.
Lunsingâs (2001) Beyond Common Sense: Sexuality and Gender in Contemporary Japan and McLellandâs (2005) Queer Japan from the Pacific War to the Internet Age are so far the most comparative, looking at a wide variety of ânon-standardâ lifestyles and relationships. Lunsing finds that, contrary to received opinion, many people in contemporary Japan live outside hegemonic sex and gender roles and relationships and McLellandâs work shows that spaces have always existed for the expression of non-heterosexual desires and gender variant identities throughout the postwar period. In addition, important new work on gendered language use, such as Smith and Okamotoâs (2005) Japanese Language, Gender, and Ideology: Cultural Models and Real People, has problematized much previous scholarship that assumed a binary relationship between âmenâ and âwomen.â There are, in fact, multiple masculinities and femininities in Japan as well as a range of transgender identities; Japanese sexualities, too, are similarly diverse.
Yet, while this growing interest in the English literature on the diversity of Japanese sex and gender expression is to be welcomed, it remains slight in comparison with the now extensive amount of research into multiple genders and sexualities published in Japanese. The ongoing boom in publications relating to masculinities/menâs studies, for instance, exemplifies the proliferation of voices and debates related to genders and sexualities taking place in Japan today. A whole body of work published over the past decade or so, by scholars and/or activists including Amano and Kimura (2003), Asai et al. (2001), Taga (2001), Shibuya (2001), Nishikawa and Ogino (1999), Sunaga (1999), Inoue et al. (1998), Nakamura and Nakamura (1997), Toyoda (1997), and ItĆ (1996, 1993), among others, attests to the richness and diversity of debates revolving around interrogations of âmasculinityâ as a gender construct. Yet, despite the significant influence of these works on discourse about genders and sexualities in contemporary Japan, very little of this material has been translated into English or is even referenced in English-language scholarship on gender in Japan.
This is unfortunate since this developing body of theory is not simply an academic preserve but, via popular media such as the internet,3 NHKâs education channel (ItĆ 2003), high-brow (but widely read) journals such as AERA, Gendai shisĆ and imago, and the mainstream press, is influencing the manner in which masculinity and gender are thought about in the Japanese context. Indeed, this discussion now takes place at all levels of society â for instance, in its July 1997 issue, the popular menâs magazine Bart ran a feature entitled âKanzennaru âdanseigakuâ de otoko ni nare!â (Become a man through mastering âmenâs studiesâ!), the first of many such features to present menâs studies as a trendy activity.
Publications in Japanese about previously overlooked gender and sexual identities and practices, in particular, have undergone something of a boom in the last decade. Ueno Chizuko (1992, 1994) pioneered innovative critiques of Japanese sexuality from a feminist perspective and a new wave of trendy, young women writers including Haruka YĆko (2000a, 2000b) has further mainstreamed feminist critique in Japanese pop culture. Also, important landmarks in gay studies include Fushimi (1991, 2002), Yajima (1997) and ItĆ, S. (1992); in lesbian studies Yajima (1999), Kakefuda (1992) and Bessatsu Takarajima (1987), and in queer studies Kuia Sutadiizu HenshĆ« Iinkai (1996, 1997). A number of attempts have also been made to explore connections between gay theory and feminism, including ItĆ and Ochiai (1998) and SaitĆ and Fushimi (1997). There are also a growing number of books about the lives and experiences of transgender individuals â including Harima and Souma (2004), Miyazaki (2000), Komatsu (2000) and Toyama (1999) and at least one university association dedicated to uncovering Japanese transgender history â Sengo Nihon ToransujendÄ Shakaishi KenkyĆ«kai (Postwar Japan Transgender Social History Study Group) â which has been responsible for a series of publications detailing otherwise unrecorded aspects of transgender history (Yajima 2000; Sugiura 2001; Mitsuhashi 2004). Sex workers, too, long written about by non-practitioners of the trade as a social problem, have recently found a voice in a series of publications (HasurÄ 2000; Matsuzawa 2000a, 2000b, 2003) which stress that sex work, as often as not, results from personal choice not social privation. The plurality of debate, now aided and abetted by the internet, around issues concerning sexuality and gender is such that it is no longer possible to talk about Japanese âmenâ or âwomenâ as homogenous categories and it is important that some of this discussion should be translated into English and become more widely known.
This volume, featuring chapters written by key Japanese authors as well as Western scholars who draw heavily on Japanese-language materials and debates, gives, for the first time in English, an overview of the important changes taking place in gender and sexuality studies within Japanese scholarship as well as the wide variety of gender and sexual identities negotiated by Japanese people themselves. The chapters in this collection depict the plurality of gender positions that are negotiated and expressed by people in Japan whose lives have fallen outside the purview of previous gender scholarship and whose experience has not been accorded a place in the curriculum. While also engaging with Western and Japanese gender theories, the main aim of the chapters in the book is to investigate the wide variety and complexity of Japanese peopleâs lived experience relating to gender and sexual expression through paying close attention to ethnographic detail as well as Japanese discourse and cultural products.
What is new about this collection is that it brings together essays on a range of topics that would normally be segregated into specific collections dealing with âwomen,â âmen,â or âsexual minorities.â This kind of segregation is, however, highly misleading since, as the chapters that follow illustrate, much discussion is taking place in Japan between these categories â popular feminism in Japan, for instance, is now critiquing the previously central role that heterosexuality has played in feminist...