Part I
Reductionist Medicine in Cultural Context
1
Reductionist Medicine and Its Cultural Authority
Joseph E. Davis
Criticism of medicine as centered in molecular biology and technology, and prone to neglect the personal and social dimensions of health and illness, has a long history. Already in the 1880s, at the very epoch-making moment in which medicine was being reconstituted by discoveries from laboratory science, there was pushback. In early 1886, just weeks after the public announcement of a breakthrough with regard to a vaccine for rabies, Puck, the famous American magazine of humor and political satire, ran a panel of cartoons about medicine. One has the caption âNo Time for Common Sick Folks.â The drawing (see figure 1.1) shows a doctor in a lab coat leaving the bedside of a patient, hat in hand and rabbit in pocket, with the apology, âExcuse me, but I have an experiment to make.â1 In an 1899 address to the Massachusetts Medical Society, James J. Putnam observed that a concern to treat ânot the disease only, but also the manâ was a âfamiliar sentimentâ among older members of the profession.2 On and off ever since, medicine has been hailed for its extraordinary explanatory and technical successes while at the same time generating considerable discontent. Against a narrow biologism and procedure-orientation, critics have argued for more socially oriented and humanistic approaches. These holistic approaches have always run counter to the mainstream and they have seldom sustained much traction.
Why not? Why have socially oriented and integrative approaches, despite their long and continuous appeal, remained marginal? Why, to turn the question around, does medicine continue on a course characterized by reductionism, mechanism-based explanations for clinical syndromes, and heavy reliance on technological solutions, despite important reasons to change? No answer can be remotely complete, but I want to frame a general explanation by considering the powerful appeal of two enduring legacies, one from the seventeenth century and one from the nineteenth. Each is familiar enough. Philosophers and theologians have often reflected on the implications of seventeenth-century natural philosophy, particularly the works of Francis Bacon and RenĂ© Descartes, to understand the commitments of modern science and medicine. Historians more commonly concentrate on the nineteenth-century changes that joined medicine with the physical and life sciences and gave birth to a particular constellation of ideal-typesâthe âbiomedical modelââthat have structured and constrained thinking about disease and treatment ever since. The problem for integrative, holistic approaches, I hope to show, arises from these two legacies together. As interwoven with central contemporary values, these legacies have given reductionist medicine a distinct cultural authority.
This authorityâthe authority to âname the worldââis rooted in biological science and therapeutic optimism. Optimism is grounded, in part, in past technological success, but it is also rooted in particular modern preoccupations: the valuation of health, which has increasingly become an end in itself; the âwar against all suffering,â to use Ivan Illichâs phrase; and the project of self-determination.3 These preoccupations lay down powerful moral imperatives and hopes that carry over into medicine and, paradoxically, imbue medicine with an image of objectivity and moral neutrality. These imperatives, I want to suggest, help to account for both the continued assertion of the reductionist biomedical model, despite reasons to move in a more holistic direction, and for its extension over more and more areas of our lives, an extension held back only by the available technologies.
The Baconian Legacy
The story of biomedicine begins with the birth of modern science in the seventeenth century. That birth was complex and included new discoveries, such as Keplerâs and Galileoâs observations of the solar system; the growing sophistication of the mechanical arts and workings of complex mechanisms, such as clocks and pumps; rapid advances in mathematics; and new ideas about man and nature. The ideas, the philosophical part of the story, are particularly relevant here. Seventeenth-century natural philosophy (the precursor of natural science) articulated a revolutionary new stance toward the world, elaborated with particular clarity and influence by Frances Bacon, RenĂ© Descartes, and Isaac Newton. The new stance begins from a rejection of traditional understandings of final causes, and of the universe as a hierarchy of meaningful order. It affirms an objectified conception of nature, wherein the world is no longer a locus of meaningâthe reflection of the divine plan or the embodiment of the Ideas4âbut a neutral domain capable of mechanistic explanation and, most important, prediction and instrumental manipulation.
In what might be called, following the historian Stephen Gaukroger, âBaconâs project,â true knowledge is not abstract and speculative, as it was for the ancients and scholastics, but practical and useful.5 It is painstakingly acquired through the application of systematic and disciplined analysis. This analysis is based on experiment and observation, moves from effects to causes, and seeks to discover the fundamental mechanisms and general laws by which all of nature is ordered. Its method is logical, reductionist, and rigorously empirical. Its reasoning is inductive but in a very controlled, machine-like way. As Bacon expressed the idea in a famous passage in his New Organon:
Now my method, though hard to practice, is easy to explain; and it is this. I propose to establish progressive stages of certainty. The evidence of the sense, helped and guarded by a certain process of correction, I retain. But the mental operation which follows the act of sense I for the most part reject; and instead of it I open and lay out a new and certain path for the mind to proceed in, starting directly from the simple sensuous perception. . . . There remains but one course for the recovery of a sound and healthy condition [of understanding]ânamely, that the entire work of the understanding be commenced afresh, and the mind itself be from the very outset not left to take its own course, but guided at every step; and the business be done as if by machinery.6
For Bacon, as for Descartes, the new natural philosophy begins with skepticismâthe setting aside of preconceived notionsâand brings knowledge of and power over nature. And for both it originates in a deep moral imperative to serve human well-being and better the human condition.
Philosophers have interpreted this moral imperative in somewhat different ways, but it includes at least two principal directives. The first is an injunction to relieve suffering and conserve health, and the second is an injunction to extend emancipationâfrom fate, from social constraint, from the authority of traditionâand self-determination.7 These goals are particularly clear in the writings of Bacon and Descartes, who formulate their projects not in terms of the domination of nature but from a theological conviction that an instrumental approach to nature is required for the sake of Godâs glory and human benefit.8 But even as these theological beliefs are slowly stripped away in the succeeding years, the humanitarian imperative remains, and in a sense expands, as the relief of suffering and freedom from necessity become ends in themselves and the yardstick by which every conception of order is subsequently measured.9
The cure of disease is integral to this enterprise from the beginning. The remediation of illness, the conserving of health, and the prolongation of life are central concerns of Bacon, especially in his later works, including New Atlantis (1620).10 So too for Descartes, who in the Discourse on the Method (1637) observes, âIt is true that the medicine currently practiced contains few things whose usefulness is so noteworthyâ and that âeverything known in medicine is practically nothing in comparison with what remains to be known.â But he is confident that science will begin to determine the causes and uncover âall the remedies that nature has provided usâ such that âone could rid oneself of an infinity of maladies, as much of the body as of the mind, and even perhaps also the frailty of old age. . . .â11 Despite the state of actual medical practice at the time, these heady ambitions, infused with the same moral purpose, decisively shaped the emerging scientific revolution. They are, in an important sense, what made the whole effort worthwhile.
The drivers of the revolution were the societies dedicated to scientific research that began to appear in the midâseventeenth century. The society that emerged in England, the Royal Society, was directly animated by Baconâs thinking. It grew out of informal meetings of educated men in London and Oxford in the mid-1640s who recognized, with Bacon, that the new science would be a public and collective endeavor. They called themselves an âinvisible collegeâ and met to discuss the new approach to investigating the natural world through experiment and observation. In 1660, the group, which included such leading figures as Christopher Wren and Robert Boyle, formally organized and was chartered in 1662 by Charles II as âThe Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge.â Its motto was âNullius in verba,â roughly âtake nobodyâs word for it,â a clear indicator of the break with traditional authority.12
Over the next century and more, the Royal Society and its journal the Philosophical Transactions, were the foremost institutions of experimental science in England. At its founding, most of the members were interested laymen (there were no female members until 1945), only a fraction of whom devoted themselves mainly to science.13 Over time, the Society helped to institutionalize the scientific enterprise, and many notable British scientists (and some early American ones; Benjamin Franklin was a member) were Fellows of the Royal Society, including Newton, who was president for more than twenty years. Similar organizations, inspired by the Royal Society, sprang up subsequently in France, Germany, and elsewhere. Collectively, they had a hand in most of the inventions that produced the Industrial Revolution. Later, Fellows of the Royal Society would be instrumental in two of the first great medical breakthroughs: Edward Jenner with the smallpox vaccine (1798) and Joseph Lister with antiseptic surgery (1860s).
Shortly after the founding of the Society, one of its members, Thomas Sprat, wrote a History of the Royal Society. In the book, published in 1667, Sprat provides the details of the Societyâs founding, explains its scientific purposes, and describes some of the progress in experimental work. Heavily influenced by Bacon, whose image appears on the frontispiece, Spratâs History provides a good window on Baconian assumptions at work with respect to medicine. Sprat also shares Baconâs zeal for the immense and epoch-changing promise of the new natural philosophy, and his book is a bold apologia for the Society and all that it represents.
Sprat began his writing in 1664 but had to break it off because of the outbreak of the Great Plague in 1665, which was followed and partly stopped (the blaze consumed many infected rats) by the Great Fire of 1666. The Plague, an outbreak of bubonic plague, k...