CHAPTER 1
Spelling Shakespeare: Early Modern âOrthographyâ and the Secret Lives of Shakespeareâs Compositors
[I]t is even more important that we should discover, if we can, through the identification of compositors on the basis of their spellings, what kind of minds may have affected the readings of substantive editions of Shakespeareâs plays, since this question is fundamental to the editing of any text.
âAlice Walker, Textual Problems of the First Folio1
A password is more than just a flaky kind of fingerprint. We still want passwords to be romantic, not just utilitarian. We reveal ourselves in our passwords. . . . Choosing xerxes or donjuan is a grown-up equivalent of wearing Power Ranger underwear.
âJames Gleick, in the New York Times Magazine2
Putting aside my title for a moment, I will begin instead with a more modern secret life. When a twentieth-century American studentâletâs call him Student Aâwas in about the sixth grade, a teacher corrected his repeated spelling of the word occasion in a composition. Student A was in the habit of spelling this word o-c-c-a-i-s-i-o-n, because he knew that a correct spelling of this word would need to register (as his spelling did) a long âaâ vowel in the second syllable. O-c-c-a-i-s-i-o-n. Student A no longer recalls the composition or most of the sixth grade, but the moment of correctionâor, more accurately, the memory of his confident, repeated, peculiar spellingâsometimes recurs, when he writes or types the word. How all occasions do inform against him, now.
As I hope to show in more detail, such a narrative would be largely impossible to have lived or told in the early modern periodâsay, around 1600âbecause, as is widely known, there was no one standard of correct English spelling with which to discipline the young student, although, as we will see, within certain contexts there was beginning to be the idea of a standard. Second, the anecdote might be taken to suggest that there are, in a way to which I will return, naturally occurring spelling preferencesâas suggested by Student Aâs apparent individualized preference, when questioned in his untutored state, for the spelling occaision over occasion, and the fact that he continues sometimes to hesitate over the âiâ of the keyboard when typing this word, even after years of advanced literary training. But the anecdote also obviously suggests that Student A wasnât untutored and was attempting to conform to a notion of standardized, phonetic spelling.
The problematic of compositor studyâthe study of the workmen who set by hand the type of early printed books, and the intense analysis of their spellings as a central feature of mid-twentieth-century Shakespearean editorial practiceâresides in this anecdote in another way. For if we were to apply Student Aâs story to the seventeenth century without attention to some important epistemic differences, we would reproduce, I think, the way in which twentieth-century textual bibliography has applied, without enough examination, its own assumptions about spelling, regularity, and, as weâll see, individuality, to conditions of language and subjectivity before the modern era. The words of Charlton Hinman are exemplary in this regard; writing in a 1940â41 essay that precedes and provides a rationale for his immense labor collating and dividing up the compositorial shares of the first folio collection of Shakespeareâs plays, Hinman says that âit is to be expected that any compositor of the sixteenth or seventeenth century would develop certain individual spelling habits, and that these habits may serve to distinguish his work from that of other compositors.â3 Hinman here tells us what he expects, or rather what âis to be expectedâ of early modern spellers, but there is no evidence supplied for these twentieth-century expectations.
In the course of this chapter, I hope to demonstrate, first, that compositor studyâthis highly specialized subfield of editorial philologyâhas instrumentally affected the early modern texts we read and study, especially those texts associated with Shakespeare; second, that the paradigm within which compositor spelling analysis operates is demonstrably related to other deforming narratives about the production of early modern texts and about the early modern âlinguistic fieldâ4 more generally; third, that these narratives came to life within a particular mid-twentieth-century epistemology that has had, in other spheres, demonstrably toxic effects on actual persons living and dead; and, finally, that there are other ways in which we might think, historically and theoretically, about the people who spelled and pressed the texts we read and studyâways that might be more useful for the study of the history of the book, the history of the language, the history of the subject, and the history of sexuality.
Spell-check
If there were no spelling bees in early modern England, this is not because that culture had not perfected other modes through which the spectacle of a particular subjectâs submission to (or divergence from) a larger cultural value could be exhibited, but because spelling was only in the process of becoming such a value and, relatedly, only in the process of becoming an action, a transitive activityâand not yet predicated on the absorption and reproduction of particular âcorrectâ spellings. In fact, one of the earliest meanings of the word spell (as a verb) in English was â[t]o read (a book, etc.) letter by letter; to peruse, or make out, slowly or with difficultyâ (ca. 1300â1848).5 To spell in English, from about 1300 well into the nineteenth century, meant to read something, to consume a supplied textâto puzzle out a particular exemplar. A set of what the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) calls âfigurativeâ meanings continued to spin out from this spelling-as-reading meaning in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: âTo discover or find out, to guess or suspect, by close study or observationâ (ca. 1587â1879); âTo make out, understand, decipher, or comprehend, by studyâ (ca. 1635â1886); âTo consider, contemplate, scan intentlyâ (ca. 1633â1859).6 â[T]he vast discourses of wisest and most learned men,â writes Kenelm Digby in 1644, âare beyond the spellinges of infantes: and yet those discourses spring from the same roote, as the others spellinges doe, and are but a raysing of them to a greater height.â7 Digbyâs context (an extended metaphor within a scientific discussion) suggests that spellinge for him signifies reading or comprehensionâthe belabored understanding of children. The acting companyâs famous preface to the first folio collection of Shakespeareâs plays can be re-read, re-spelled, in this context: âTo the great Variety of Readers,â it begins, âFrom the most able, to him that can but spell.â8 What knowledge of spelling is required to spell Shakespeare?
The date of the folioâs formulation of spelling/reading is 1623, and, as we have seen, Digbyâs 1644 text also invokes spelling-as-reading (he also uses the phrase âspellingly readeâ), suggesting that this meaning continues to circulate even after the tentative beginnings of what we think of as spelling. According to the OED at least, the recognizably modern meaning of spellingââTo name or set down in order the letters of (a word or syllable)ââappears first around 1595 (Shakespeare is cited among its earliest users, in 1598), though I am not at all sure that the early examples of this usage I know of are (upon rereading) about the production of âcorrect spellingsâ in our terms. Spelling in the fully modern sense does not clearly emerge in the OEDâs examples until much later in the next century, around 1693.9
If spelling in early modern English is about reading (that is, the ability to make sense of particular graphic shapes and forms on the page),10 we should also note that these shapes might be different, within a certain range, while at the same time not necessarily registering as âdifferent wordsâ in our understanding. As Margreta de Grazia has argued in an important essay on English prior to lexical standardization, in a culture in which there was constant, multiple graphic and phonic overlap among (what we would refer to as) discrete words, there was more polysemic possibility/activity built into this systemâif early modern English can even be called a âsystem.â11 Bourdieuâs âlinguistic fieldâ is a better term, taken alongside Juliet Flemingâs reminder that English was ânot unruled, but ruled differentlyâperhaps in accordance with a rhetorical rather than grammatical, lexical, and orthographic order.â12
The variability of pronunciations, the intersection of dialects, the ongoing shift from an inflected to a largely uninflected grammatical practice (and the corresponding migration of words among âparts of speechâ),13 the nonexistence of dictionaries regulating the usage/spelling of everyday words, etymological thinking that linked rather than dissevered similar words14âall of these factors made for a more fluid and unfixed linguistic field. What we call âsingle wordsâ were spelled in multiple ways, often by the same person. In Sir Thomas More, the play manuscript often adduced to illustrate Shakespeareâs spelling (and the subject of Chapter 9), Hand D (the handwriting sometimes associated with Shakespeare) spells nearly a fifth of the words he writes more than once in more than one way.15 An extraordinary, compact example is a line spoken by the crowd (âallâ) addressing Sheriff Thomas More and spelled out by Hand D as âShreiue moor moor more Shreue moore.â16 The lineâs six word forms contain what we would consider two words: one spelled two ways and another spelled three ways. The word sheriff, as Philip Gaskell writes of one Hand D passage, âappears five times in . . . five lines in five different spellings.â17
Furthermore, as this example (from Shakespeareâs âownâ spelling, if such it is)18 can help to suggest, the OEDâs focus on discrete words, sorted into particular (so-called) parts of speech, attached to particular (also discrete) meanings associated with a variety of (past) forms obscures, and imposes a modern order on, the fluidity of early modern practice(s), in which ay sounded like both I and eye/eie and could be spelled I, aye, and ay. Or, to take some other examples we will examine in more detail elsewhere in this book, the pairs of words conversation and conversion, discreet and discrete, even foundation and fundament, were interchangeable. In this context, spelling was conceptualized as the process of processing these forms, not producing them. Production is called not spelling, but writing.
Those familiar with the decades around 1600 might say that I am simplifying the issue: that there were in fact those in English culture who saw this linguistic situation as an issue, a problem, and attempted to fix it. In the 1560s to 1580s, with Thomas Smithâs De recta & emendata LingvĂŚ AnglicĂŚ Scriptione, John Hartâs An orthographie, and William Bullokarâs Bullokars Booke at large, for the Amendment of Orthographie, there were recurrent attempts to standardize English spellingâthat is, to focus on the production of uniform spellings.19 Such attempts continued in the early seventeenth century. As Jonathan Goldberg has importantly observed in his discussion of some of the texts of this movement, sixteenth-century spelling reform is not devoid of ideological aspirations and effects,20 and the etymological resonance of Smithâs, Hartâs, and Bullokarâs titles can begin to emphasize for us the cultural values with which uniform spelling is associated for its reformers. Spelling reform is concerned with orthography (literally, right-writing); orthos is straight, upright, standing, the opposite of crooked.21 Alexander Humeâs unpublished treatise Of the Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britan Tongue (c. 1617)âthe Q-defending text we encountered in the Introductionâmakes the connection explicitly: âthe printeres and wryteres of this age, caring for noe more arte then may win the pennie, wil not paen them selfes to knau whither it be orthographie or skaiographie that doeth the turne.â22 Hume both dedicates his text to the king and coins a perverse opposite to rectitude in delineating his system of right-writing; skaiographie, as noted above, comes from skaios, âleft, left-handed, awkward, crooked,â23 related to the Latin scaeuitas, â[i]nstinctive choosing of the wrong; perversity.â24
Whether orthography or skaiography doeth the turn, orthography seems always, nevertheless, to have the potential to turn against, to turn back on its advocates, who frequently donât fare well in the popular culture ...