A Possible Peace Between Israel and Palestine

An Insider's Account of the Geneva Initiative

Menachem Klein, Haim Watzman

• Publisher: Columbia University Press
• Year: 2007
• ISBN:
  9780231511193
• Topic: Historia
• Subtopic: Historia de Oriente Medio

In 2003, after two years of negotiations, a group of prominent Israelis and Palestinians signed a model peace treaty. The document, popularly called the Geneva Initiative, contained detailed provisions resolving all outstanding issues between Israel and the Palestinian people, including drawing a border between Israel and Palestine, dividing Jerusalem, and determining the status of the Palestinian refugees.

The negotiators presented this citizens' initiative to the Israeli and Palestinian peoples and urged them to accept it. One of the Israeli negotiators was Menachem Klein, a political scientist who has written extensively about the Jerusalem issue in the context of peace negotiations. Although the Geneva Initiative was not endorsed by the governments of either side, it became a fundamental term of reference for solving the Middle East conflict. In this firsthand account, Klein explains how and why these groups were able to achieve agreement. He directly addresses the formation of the Israeli and Palestinian teams, how they managed their negotiations, and their communications with both governments. He also discusses the role of third-party facilitators and the strategy behind marketing the Geneva Initiative to the public.

A scholar and participant in the Geneva negotiations, Klein is able to provide both an inside perspective and an impartial analysis of the diplomatic efforts behind this historic compromise. He compares the negotiations to previous Israeli-Palestinian talks both formal and informal and the resolution of conflicts in South Africa and Algeria. Klein hopes that by treating the event as a case study we can learn a tremendous amount about the needs and approaches of both parties and the necessary shape peace must take between them.

1

THE ROAD FROM TABA TO GENEVA

GOING PUBLIC

Minister of Justice Yossi Beilin emerged from the Taba talks of 2001 feeling that an opportunity had been missed. His party chief and prime minister, Ehud Barak, had come into office in 1999 promising the Israeli public that he would achieve peace with Israel’s Arab neighbors and with the Palestinians before the completion of his four-year term. But both direct contacts with the Palestinians and the attempt to achieve a brokered agreement at Camp David in the summer of 2000 had failed. In October, frustration and distrust between Israel and the Palestinians broke out in another bloody uprising, the second, or al-Aqsa, Intifada.

In December 2000, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators gathered in the resort of Taba, in the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula, just over the border from Israel. The Taba negotiations were a last-ditch effort to reach an Israeli–Palestinian peace treaty before Barak’s impending electoral defeat by Ariel Sharon, who had denounced the Oslo peace process. In the end, the Taba talks did not produce an agreement. But Beilin was convinced that, with a bit more effort, the Israelis and Palestinians could have achieved an agreement on the principles for a permanent status agreement.

Had Barak had his way, Beilin would not have been in Taba. Meretz, the junior party in the Labor-led coalition, had forced Barak to send him. Yair Tzaban, head of Meretz’s strategic team, and the party’s chairman, Yossi Sarid, met with Barak and informed him that Meretz would support his rival, Shimon Peres, for prime minister in the elections scheduled for February 2002, unless Barak met three conditions: Israel must participate in the Taba talks, the Israeli delegation to the talks would be expanded, and an inner cabinet for peace would be established. As often happens in politics, the politics of persons and of statecraft were intermixed. A peace cabinet was set up with Peres as a member. Furthermore, Sarid and Beilin, whom Barak had shut out of active and effective participation in talks with the Palestinians during the decisive period of negotiations, arrived in Taba as part of the Israeli delegation. Accompanying them was Minister of Transportation Amnon Shahak. Unlike Beilin and Sarid, Shahak had taken part in the principal talks with the Palestinians, including those at Camp David the previous summer. But Shahak had virtually no influence on Barak.

The Taba talks produced progress on only two issues: the borders of the state of Palestine and the status of the Palestinian refugees of 1948. While there had already been progress on the territorial issue during the previous year, it was only at Taba that the Israelis and Palestinians actually exchanged maps on an official basis (the maps appear in Klein 2003b:112–13). The differences between the maps were not as great as at earlier negotiating stages, when the two sides had exchanged unofficial maps. While the subject of refugees had been addressed at Camp David, the impressive rhetoric of Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami, Member of the Knesset Dan Meridor, and Attorney General Elyakim Rubinstein did not constitute negotiation. Taba was the first venue where the two sides talked seriously about the Palestinian refugees. Beilin headed the Israeli negotiating team that addressed this issue. He presented the Palestinians with new ideas and an experienced political team that included his assistants Daniel Levy and Gidi Grinstein. Levy and Grinstein had worked intensively on the refugee question in unofficial talks and in the Economic Cooperation Foundation (ECF), a think tank Beilin founded in 1990 to pursue track-two negotiations (see chapter 3) for a permanent status agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. The veteran negotiators, headed by Ben-Ami and Gilad Sher, chief of Barak’s bureau, had been worn out by the exhausting contacts they had conducted beginning in April 2000, and bore with them the disappointments of these earlier stages. Gilad Sher even believed that Barak erred in consenting to enter the Taba negotiations; as a lame-duck prime minister facing election, Barak, Sher argued, did not have a mandate to make critical decisions with long-term implications. Barak had lost his majority in the Knesset when the Shas party bolted his coalition in June 2000, and was trailing in the polls behind his opponent, Ariel Sharon.

Beyond gaining Barak’s agreement to enter the Taba talks with a broader negotiating team, Meretz’s influence on the prime minister was minimal. Barak himself has said that he did not intend to reach final agreements on the issues at Taba. He even instructed Gilad Sher, who headed the Israeli delegation, not to hold meetings to coordinate the positions of the members of the sub-teams. Sher also told the Palestinian delegation that only he was authorized by Barak to make concessions. Just before leaving office, Barak had the cabinet decide that all proposals made to the Palestinians during the negotiating process were no longer on the table. President Bill Clinton did the same with regard to his proposals of December 2000 (Agha and Malley 2002a, 2002b; Arieli and Pundak 2004; Beilin 2001; Beilin 2004; Ben-Ami 2004; Enderlin 2003; Hanieh 2001; Klein 2003; Matz 2003; Meital 2004; Morris et al. 2003; Pressman 2003; Pundak 2001; Rabinowitz 2004; Ross 2004; Rubinstein et al. 2003; Shamir 2005; Sher 2001; Swisher 2004).

Officially, the proposals discussed at Taba did not obligate anyone, but thanks to two people—the European Union’s delegate, Miguel Moratinos, and Yossi Beilin—they were inscribed as political facts that can hardly be expunged. Moratinos is an energetic man and a great believer in the possibility of peace between Israel and Syria and Israel and the Palestinians. In August 2001, he, along with participants from both sides, summed up the points of agreement and disagreement in the Taba talks. For all intents and purposes, Moratinos’s document reviews all stages of the official negotiations for a permanent status agreement. Its importance is that it maps the geological strata of the contacts between the two sides. During a flight out of Antalya, Turkey, one of the Palestinian participants loaned the document to Akiva Eldar, a journalist at Ha’aretz, on condition that it be returned before arrival in Tel Aviv. Eldar, who immediately realized its importance, took advantage of the fact that his informant had made no other conditions, photographed the document with a digital camera, and published it on February 15, 2002. While the Moratinos document can be read as a requiem, it can also serve as a starting point for a continuation of the effort to reach a final agreement. Yossi Beilin was interested in just that, and Yassir ‘Abd-Rabbu, the Palestinian minister of information, was of the same mind.

There is a reason that the Geneva understandings are not called the Beilin-‘Abd-Rabbu understandings. The Geneva document is not the work of one person on each side but rather of large and heterogeneous teams. The document testifies to the fact that Beilin learned a lesson from the Beilin–Abu-Mazen understandings of 1995, a behind-thescenes attempt by Beilin and Yassir Arafat’s close associate, Mahmoud Abbas (Abu-Mazen is his nom-de-guerre), to draw up a permanent status agreement. From the start, he brought together a broad group of people and adopted a different plan of action from the one he pursued in 1994–1995. In November 1999, Beilin tried to persuade Prime Minister Barak, to use the Beilin–Abu-Mazen document as a framework for talks on the final agreement that Barak had declared he intended to reach. Barak refused, because he thought that the document had gone too far in offering Israeli concessions. Because Beilin was identified with that document, Barak prevented him from taking any significant part in the permanent status talks. In fact, Barak rejected the document several times during the first half of 2000. Once it was in response to Abbas, who proposed that the two of them open a secret channel of talks through personal delegates. Ahmad Khalidi and Hussein Agha, two Palestinian scholars living in London, who served Abbas as negotiators, had been involved in drafting the Beilin–Abu-Mazen agreement six years earlier. They contacted Gilad Sher in London and asked that the document be used as the basis for open or secret negotiations. At Barak’s direction, Sher rejected the request out of hand (Sher 2001:63; Ben-Ami 2004:32; Ahmad Khalidi to the author, Jan. 2004).

The document also came up in talks between Abbas and Amnon Shahak, Barak’s delegate, and in Abbas’s own talks with Barak. None of this was to any avail. Barak’s positions were very distant from those of the Beilin–Abu-Mazen document. In the spring of 2000, Barak’s tactical preference was for opening secret talks with the chairman of the Palestinian Legislative Council, Ahmed Qurei (Abu-‘Ala), Abbas’s political rival, in the hope of obtaining more than Abbas had been willing to concede. To these talks he sent his minister of internal security, Shlomo Ben-Ami, who was the major political rival of Beilin and of Barak’s foreign minister, David Levy. Barak’s gambit achieved a secondary political goal—he obtained Ben-Ami’s loyalty—but he failed to achieve his major objective. There was no breakthrough toward a permanent status agreement. As a result, Barak worked to shape the Camp David summit as means of placing heavy, concentrated, and direct Israeli and American pressure on the Palestinian leadership. Here, too, Barak achieved only a tactical success. President Clinton adopted the tactic that Barak suggested, abandoning his original ideas about the conduct of the conference and the proposals he had planned to place on the table shortly after its opening. They both succeeded in marketing the argument that Arafat had caused the failure, but this did not bring peace.

A document in the same spirit as the Beilin–Abu-Mazen understandings was meant to await both sides at the Camp David summit. The original document was sent to the White House in June 2000, while the summit was being prepared. President Clinton wished to table a compromise proposal of his own, based on the document, at the opening of the conference. But in the end he adopted the strategy that Barak proposed. We can only wonder what might have happened had Clinton stuck to his original plan. According to his aides, Clinton backtracked because he appreciated the political risk that Barak was taking—the Israeli prime minister came to Camp David in July 2000 with a decaying coalition and a tight schedule. Open talks on a permanent status agreement with the Palestinians had begun in July 2000, while secret talks commenced the previous April. Neither channel produced significant breakthroughs.

Negotiations with the Palestinians had not begun at the start of the Barak administration, because Barak had given priority to talks with the Syrians. Among other reasons, he believed that if Israel reached an agreement with Syria, the Palestinians would be left isolated. Israel would then be able to broker a better agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip. But Barak’s refusal to cede sovereignty over a strip of territory on the northeastern shore of the Sea of Galilee brought the talks with Syria to an end in March 2000. Barak was under pressure to produce results on the diplomatic front. Arafat announced that, if he did not achieve a state through negotiation with Israel, he would issue a unilateral declaration of the establishment of the state of Palestine on September 13. The American presidential elections in November threatened to take Clinton out of action (Agha and Malley 2002a, 2002b; Rubinstein et al 2003; Shamir 2005).

In retrospect, Clinton’s deferral to Barak’s tactics was a mistake and led to a dead end. With the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that Clinton should have taken advantage of Barak’s dependence on him in order to force him to accept the compromise he had proposed. Furthermore, a few months previously Barak had reneged on his promise to Clinton that he would accept a full Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights. In doing so, Barak prevented Clinton from achieving a breakthrough with Syrian President Hafez al-Asad that apparently would have led to the signing of a peace treaty between them. Barak’s excuse for his sudden case of cold feet was his coalition difficulties. Clinton had not forgotten the difficulties Barak had given him at the end of 1999 and beginning of 2000 during the talks with Syria, and said so quite sharply in moments of anger and frustration at Camp David. But Barak’s political position that summer was even weaker, after his coalition disintegrated. Clinton could have used Barak’s weakness to apply pressure in favor of the American ideas, but instead the president decided to be considerate of Barak’s problems. Unfortunately, only American coercion could have brought Barak around to the American ideas, and Clinton did not want to coerce.

Citizens and historians may look back and ponder “what if.” But leaders must look to the future. Clinton did this, belatedly, in December 2000, when he presented a set of guidelines for further negotiations. Clinton’s guidelines were based closely on the Beilin–Abu-Mazen understandings, and were the starting point for the Taba talks the following month. The Beilin–Abu-Mazen understandings thus traveled a long and winding path before they began to influence policy. They were never published officially, and there was no campaign to gain public support for them. Neither did they have the official support of Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

In planning the Geneva initiative, Beilin and ‘Abd-Rabbu sought to avoid the pitfalls that the Beilin–Abu-Mazen understandings had encountered. Rather than keeping this new informal peace effort shrouded in secrecy until they could be presented to the leaders on each side, the two men planned from the start that the Geneva accords would be placed before the public. Neither did they seek to keep their contacts out of the public eye. Instead, they tipped off journalists and ensured that, during the two years the Geneva talks were underway, several Israeli newspaper columnists would write that Beilin and ‘Abd-Rabbu were trying to produce a detailed model of a permanent status agreement.

In accordance with Israeli practice, this began with a leak. Leaks to the press are part of the political process, a way of staging a political event and a way of marketing a political campaign. The leak was not meant to protect the patriotic images of Beilin and ‘Abd-Rabbu. Neither were they meant to overshadow other negotiating channels or to protect them by diverting attention to an “open” channel while leaving the “real,” secret one undisturbed. Such tactics are not unknown (Agha et al. 2003:186–88), but these were not the motives for the Geneva initiative leaks. In this case, the initial leak produced a period of tranquility. The fact that the contacts were publicized prevented harmful prying and minimized the media’s urge to unmask a secret process.

The managers of the Geneva channel made no secret of the contacts and their goal. Drafts of the agreement were shown to journalists and senior politicians. Beilin even outlined the talks to Dov Weisglass, Prime Minister Sharon’s chief of staff. The length of the talks, and the disagreements between the two sides, minimized the interest of the press, which sought bigger headlines. Furthermore, many reporters who knew about the contacts were doubtful that the effort would achieve full agreement on all issues, and even scoffed at some of the Israeli participants and their optimism. Beilin and those around him passed out “tips” to selected journalists in exchange for promising them the story when the agreement was ready to sign. The tips helped keep the media and the political arena quiet, and proved their worth when the public campaign commenced.

When the talks reached an advanced stage, advertisers Nissim Duek, Dror Sternschuss, and Kamel Husseini prepared an Israeli–Palestinian campaign, which they presented to both sides at the talks in Woking in south London in February 2003. The marketing package was first designed by the Israelis, with the Palestinians brought in afterward. The marketers convened because there was a sense that an agreement would soon be signed, and that it was necessary to launch a campaign to persuade the public and political leaders to accept it. The campaign’s concept was based on an analysis of the agreement’s strengths and weaknesses from a marketing perspective with regard to each of the two major target publics. The program was to bring the full document before the Israeli and Palestinian publics in order to create public debate. The marketers’ principal fear was that public interest in the initiative would fade quickly and that the public and political leadership would quickly revert to their previous agendas. The campaign thus sought to maintain interest and to ensure that, unlike in previous cases such as the Beilin–Abu-Mazen agreement, the Geneva accords would be fully transparent.

It was clear from the beginning to Beilin, ‘Abd-Rabbu, and their associates that marketing was a critical part of the effort and that the director of the public relations campaign would be an essential member of both the Israeli and Palestinian delegations. The decision was to run coordinated Israeli and Palestinian campaigns, to speak in a single voice despite the different expectations of the two target publics, and to reach the maximum number of homes. At the same time, the campaign would seek to create the largest possible circles of support so as to keep those interested in preserving the existing situation from gaining a monopoly over public debate, and to minimize their ability to manipulate it. According to the plan presented at the London talks, the Geneva document would first be concluded; this stage of the campaign was called Geneva I. There would then be two months to organize administratively and to enlist prominent supporters, concluding with a public, international signing ceremony. This would be called Geneva II and would be the beginning of the public campaign. Just prior to the ceremony the entire document would be made public gradually, and would be presented to the heads of the Israeli and Palestinian governments. The agreement would be distributed to every home in the land. There would be an information bank for public inquiries manned by both Palestinians and Israelis. The campaign would come to an end about a month and a half after the signing ceremony. No further public relations plans were presented at London, and it is doubtful whether any existed.

Thanks to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, the Geneva document came before the public earlier than planned, and with more intensity and success than any of its supporters expected. For reasons that remain obscure, Sharon, at a Likud election rally in Bat Yam on October 8, accused the left of coordinating its actions with the Palestinians at the height of a war, behind the back of the Israeli government. In the early evening of that same day, a few hours before Sharon’s speech, the negotiating team gathered for a preparation meeting in the offices of businessman Avi Shaked. In his characteristically dispassionate way, Shaked had done much to flesh out the agreement. As we sat in his office’s well-appointed meeting room in a Tel Aviv office tower, we could see the entire churning metropolis spread out below us. It looked very tranquil from there. Tel Aviv’s shabbiness is not evident from above, especially at night.

Twenty-four hours later, according to our plan, we were scheduled to set out for a concluding round of talks in Jordan. But when we gathered, we did not know if the Israeli authorities would allow the Palestinian representatives to make the trip to the Dead Sea. Beilin and Amram Mitzna, a Labor member of the Knesset who had been party leader and run against Sharon in the previous election, used all their contacts in the military establishment to ensure that the Palestinians would be allowed to travel. The Jordanians and the initiative’s international sponsors, led by Switzerland, seem also to have exerted pressure. The Egyptians may well have been in the picture as well. After hearing on the telephone a report from ‘Abd-Rabbu on the planned signing event, Usama al-Baz, political adviser to President Hosni Mubarak, offered to host the meeting in Cairo or Sharm al-Sheikh. Al-Baz wanted to participate personally in the final meeting and signing ceremony. But the Palestinians preferred the Jordanian Dead Sea shore. The Palestinian political system was then in the midst of yet another crisis and senior members of the Palestinian delegation wanted to be able to get back quickly to their political center in Ramallah if necessary. Presumably, Israel intelligence picked up this hum of activity. The central figure in Israeli military intelligence, later coordinator of Israeli activities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, General Amos Gilad, had little regard for ‘Abd-Rabbu (Drucker and Shelach 2005:235, 356), nor for the Israelis involved in the Geneva initiative. However, after two years of drowsiness, during which they failed to appreciate the significance of the Geneva channel, someone at the top woke up and sounded an alarm bell.

This disregard had been useful in the past. So long as the talks had a low profile, Beilin had no difficulty obtaining travel permits and entry into Jerusalem for the Palestinian negotiators. The Israeli military processed hundreds of such requests during the course of the Oslo years. The Geneva talks were only one of myriad sets of contacts between Israelis and Palestinians, encompassing people as diverse as teachers, water experts, economists, journalists, students, and young people. Even members of Sharon’s Likud party and the ultra-Orthodox Shas party met with members of Fatah and Palestinian social activists (Adwan and Bar On 2004; IPCRI 2002; Klein 2003b:23–31; Konrad Adenauer Foundation et al. 1998). Apparently the intelligence agencies found it difficult to separate the wheat from the chaff. Only at a late date, it seems, did they realize that the Geneva channel was different from these other sorts of meetings. By then it was already too late to halt the process. It may also be possible that Sharon vented his anger and frustration spontaneously. But many observers believe that Sharon always acted deliberately and that he intended to delegitimize the initiative.

Whatever the case, his attack was ineffectual. In fact, the initiative’s Israel public relations strategists were able to use the prime minister’s attack to good advantage. Sharon’s outburst was first reported, that same evening, on Ynet, the website of Israel’s largest newspaper, Yediot Aharonot. Immediately thereafter, Ynet also reported the first leak about the gathering in Jordan and its participants. The leak apparently came not from the Geneva initiative’s leaders or public relations staff but rather from one of the Israeli politicians who was involved. The leaks proved to be an unexpectedly successful media strategy. The next day other media outlets also reported the news—in particular, the Voice of Israel, the government-run radio network. The Voice of Israel may have been encouraged to play up the story by Sharon’s office, to which the network’s top administrators had close ties.

From this point onward, the leaks that came from the public relations staff in Jordan—Dror Sternschuss, Nissim Duek, and Uri Zaki, Beilin’s spokesman—were partial and fragmentary. This was not always intended. They had trouble keeping up with the pace of the talks and with the ch...

Table of contents

• Cover 
• Half title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents 
• Introduction
• List of Maps
• 1: The Road from Taba to Geneva
• 2: Dividing Divided Jerusalem
• 3: Geneva in Perspective
• Epilogue
• Bibliography
• Index