Sexual Slander and Ancient Invective
There are perhaps few characters in Roman history as devious, greedy, and full of lust as Antony and Cleopatra, if we believe the representations of them found in ancient history and biography. Following the battle of Actium, Cassius Dio tells us, Cleopatra tricked Antony into taking his own life. Antony chose to enslave himself to her in life, and he remained her slave in death, demonstrating his servile nature (douloprepeia), even at the end (Cass. Dio 51.10â11, 15.2). Cleopatra, Cassius Dio concludes, had an insatiable appetite for pleasure and material wealth, an appetite that led, ultimately, to both her and Antonyâs demise (51.15.4). According to Plutarch, Cleopatra disarmed Antony and made sport of him (Demetr. .3; Antony 10.3; 25.1â28.1). From the perspective of many ancient authors, therefore, âMarcus Antonius was not merely a ruffian and a gladiator, a drunkard and a debaucheeâhe was effeminate and a cowardâ1 and Cleopatra was âthe Egyptian whore, a drunkard, and the mistress of eunuchs.â2 These representations have left their mark. According to Paul Zanker, Antony must have been utterly captivated by the infamous and beautiful Cleopatra, for how else could he have behaved like an âOrientalâ instead of a âsoldierly Romanâ? âAntony had become totally corrupt, godless, and soft and was bewitched by Cleopatra. What else could explain why a Roman general would award conquered territory to the children of an Egyptian queen and even put in his will that he wanted to be buried in Alexandria beside Cleopatra?â3 In the tradition of ancient biographers and historians before him, Zanker concluded that Antony was truly âa victim of the decadence and debauchery of the East.â4
Whether or not Antony was a victim of decadence and debauchery, especially of the âEasternâ type, is for others to decide. Yet, it is worth noticing that the charges lodged against him by some modern and many ancient historiansâdecadence and debaucheryâare standard fare in Roman political discourse. Cicero had accused Catiline of similar crimes:
What mark of family scandal is there not branded upon your life? What deplorable episode in your personal affairs does not help form your reputation? What lust has never shone in your eyes, what crime has never stained your hands, what shameful deed has never fouled your entire body?
(Cat. 1.13â16)5
Catilineâs private life was so monstrous, his disgrace so complete, Cicero argues, that it scarcely needs to be mentioned, though Cicero spent a great deal of time doing so. What is one to make of all this? Shall we assume that Catiline was a degenerate, Antony a reprobate, and Cleopatra a conniving seductress?
Catherine Edwards has argued that the vilification of Antony must be placed in the context of the Roman invective tradition.6 References to proper âmoralityâ were offered to support claims of legitimacy in the competitive rivalries between elites.7 Accusations of corrupt morals were intended to delegitimize these claims. The period between the assassination of Caesar and the battle of Actium was marked by relentless denunciations of Octavian by Antony and Antony by Octavian. Both were accused of adultery, bribery, and luxury. Similarly, in the war of words between Cicero and Piso, Cicero was also accused of indulging in the very things of which he so vociferously accused Piso.8 Allegations of moral turpitude made by rival Roman nobles against one another can be read as part of a long rhetorical tradition. Ancient Greek rhetorical theorists emphasized the importance of morality to orators, especially the knowledge of the virtues and their opposites.9 Roman rhetorical theorists acknowledged their debt to Greece in this regard, though they did endeavor to differentiate themselves from the Greek tradition.10 During the Roman period, economic and political crises were represented as crises of morality.11 The virtues were personified, worshiped, celebrated on coins, listed on inscriptions honoring the exemplary virtue of famous Romans from the past.12 Historians explained historical events ânot in terms of social and economic forces but almost entirely in terms of the moral attributes of the characters involved.â13 Cicero assumed that evaluations of character are standard subjects in history (De or. 2.63). Suetonius assessed each Caesar by means of a âminute examination of his record in certain areas of moral behavior.â14 The effects of these competitions in virtue and vice were felt not only in the small circle of the Roman senatorial class, but beyond: âAll Romans and non-Romans living within the Empireâs borders ⌠were eventually exposed to the dissemination of the virtutes Romanae, even if only through the odd coin or family epitaph.â15 It is perhaps naive, therefore, to take at face value the lurid representations offered of Cleopatra, Antony, and others.16 Nevertheless, these depictions do indicate something about what was considered âgoodâ or âbadâ behavior.
This chapter illustrates the importance of claims regarding virtue and vice to the discourse of the imperial period. Sexual slander, ancient and contemporary, is tied to power relations and to knowledge production. Assigning meaning to words, in this case words signaling virtue or vice, is a power-laden process, a site of conflict and contention within which the dynamics of power relations are negotiated. This was no less true for Greeks and Romans than for Christians. Literate Christians, those under consideration here, shared a great deal with other literate people in the ancient Mediterranean world.17 They were trained in similar rhetorical techniques, informed by popular philosophical arguments, at least to some degree, and exposed to the same coins, inscriptions, legal pronouncements, building projects, and statuary as their neighbors. When Christians employed charges of sexual licentiousness to define themselves over and against others, they relied upon a long-standing discursive strategy that would have been familiar to everyone. Since definitions of sexual impropriety shift, it becomes important to explore the content and significance of these charges, both for Christians and those whom they attacked, to delve into the ancient fascination with virtue and its opposites in order to better situate Christian discourses discussed in later chapters.
SEX TALK AND ANCIENT RHETORICAL THEORY
Success as an orator, Aristotle observed, demands three capabilities: the capacity to reach logical conclusions, the ability to observe closely characters and virtues, and, thirdly, an understanding of the emotions (Rh. 1356a). Logical argument is only one element of an effective speech; sensitivity to the attitudes of the audience and familiarity with the virtues are equally important. This is the case for each of the three types of rhetoric that Aristotle identifies: deliberative forensic and epideictic This threefold categorization was largely maintained in later Greek and Latin rhetorical theory. Virtue was said to be the primary topic of epideictic oratory, speeches that take as their subject praise or blame yet considerations of virtue and character are central to all three. In forensic oratory, rhetoric intended for the law courts, the ability of the orator to rouse the emotions of the jury by demonstrating that he is true and good while the opponent is false and bad was understood to be an essential task (Rh. 1419b). So too, when offering a deliberative speech before the assembly, one must be cognizant of both virtue and emotion. Virtue, Aristotle insisted, is essential to happiness, and happiness is the aim of both city and citizen (Rh. 1360a).18 Therefore, one needs to be familiar with the virtues when composing any speech, whatever the type of speech or its occasion. Furthermore, the moral character of the orator himself is fundamental to the ability of a given speaker to persuade. A good man makes a good orator (Rh. 1356a).19 Cicero, writing in Rome several centuries later, agreed in many respects with Aristotleâs assessment of the importance of virtue and emotion to good oratory. The excellence of the orator is demonstrated by his ability to ârouse menâs hearts to anger, hatred, or indignationâ or to recall them from these passions, a task that is impossible without an understanding of the human character (De or. 1.12.53). Therefore, though philosophers claim that the discussion of the virtues is their exclusive domain, orators must be able to discuss them with an even greater eloquence (De or. 1.13.56). Additionally, successful persuasion requires that the audience approve of the character, principles, and lifestyle of both the orator and, in the case of forensic oratory, the person whom the orator is defending. Cicero offered advice on how to appear trustworthy and virtuous while describing the upright, modest character of oneâs client, if at all possible (De or. 2.43.182â87).
Quintilian went further, arguing that the positive formation of moral character is the most important accomplishment of a proper rhetorical education (Inst. 1.9â10).20 As a result, Quintilian averred, his subject matter (oratory) demanded that he frequently speak of the virtues courage (fortitudo), justice (iustitia), and self-control (temperantia). âIn fact,â he wrote, âscarcely a case comes up in which some one of these virtues is not involvedâ (Inst. 1.12). An anonymous Greek contemporary agreed, claiming that the true purpose of good education is moral excellence and happiness ( [Plutarch] Mor. 5c), yet this author warned against paying attention to the ânonsense of ostentatious public discourse,â the purview of many false orators who know only how to please audiences ([Plutarch], Mor. 6aâd). Rhetorical education has its place but must be given with caution. This advice echoes the earlier concerns of Plato, who persistently argued that the tools of rhetoric are dangerous when placed in the wrong hands (Plato Prt. 318Eâ319B; Grg. 451D. See also Soph., esp. 232A).21 Even this b...