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Two Postwar Masculinities
Robert Reinertâs Nerves (1919)
Defeat and delusion
The end of the war left Germany with many lives lost. Approximately 2,037,000 soldiers fell on the battlefield throughout the four years of the conflict. Most men born after 1871 joined the German Army as it was considered a familyâs greatest honor to have a father, uncle, or son serve the empire. Young males born between 1892 and 1895âwho were between nineteen and twenty-two when the war beganâexperienced the greatest losses: about 35 percent of this generation was reduced. In addition to war casualties, civilian casualties numbered 760,000, largely due to the influenza pandemic and mass famine that devastated the Weimar population following the armistice in 1918.1
Of the 4.3 million German soldiers who returned from the front, many came back severely maimed, physically disabled, shell shocked, psychically scarred, and unable to reintegrate into civilian life. Weimarâs tumultuous postwar politics only exacerbated their sense of bewilderment and futility. The economic and political disorder of the early years of the Republic reminded returned soldiers of their failure to bring honor to the Fatherland and of the pointlessness of their military sacrifices. Forced to confront the empty vanity of their wartime patriotism, some veterans were filled with feelings of pessimistic contempt and exaggerated nationalism in response to their shattered self-importance. Like the infantile ego, described in Freudâs 1919 essay on the uncanny, that retreats into a shell when confronted with a hostile external world, some returned soldiers reverted to hyperbolic versions of their prewar selves in defiance of the armistice, whose terms the international community largely dictated.
Moreover, those who remained in the home front reacted with incomprehension at the end of the war, their worst fears having been realized. Historian Ernst Troeltsch, writing in 1924, famously called the Weimar Republic in its early years a âdreamland,â referring to the panoply of defensive fantasies concocted by the shamed ego, unable to accept military defeat.2 SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands) leader Friedrich Ebert, who lost his two sons in the war, was supposedly âseized with sobbing,â so devastating was the initial broadcast of Germanyâs loss.3 News of military defeat suddenly put the nationâs destiny into question, propagating many cynical discourses of crisis.4 Troeltsch observed that desperation gave way to wild speculation about what will be, so that âeveryone, without grasping the conditions and real consequences, could portray the future in fantastic, pessimistic or heroic terms.â5 Visions of imagined utopias or cynical apocalypse proliferated: both revealed more about the confusion of the postwar present than of anything concrete about the future. Traditional ways of understanding German nationhood lost their capacity to idealize and consolidate the people.
The cost of Germanyâs postwar reparations compounded the emotional toll of defeat. The Treaty of Versailles, signed in June 1919, forced Germany to cede 13 percent of its prewar territory to Poland and France, and demanded recompense for all damage done to civilian property during wartime. During the armistice negotiations, France and Britain were particularly intent on placing full fault on the German nation. Reflecting their desire to place blame, article 231 of the Treaty obligated Germany to accept full responsibility for initiating the war, and âfor causing all the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated Governments and their nationals have been subjected as a consequence of the war imposed upon them by the aggression of Germany and her allies.â6 The total sum called for by the Allied Reparations Commission was set at 226 billion Reichsmarks, locking Germany into making long-term payments until the end of the century.
At the end of the war, in the midst of increasing poverty, the polity splintered into a variety of political factions. Prewar solidarities within both the political left and right were broken up, giving rise to the consolidation of extreme political views. While pro-peace and pacifist coalitions were formed, other organizations advocated martial law and audaciously recapitulated grandiose annexationist claims in support of the military regime. Perhaps the most notorious example of the latter was the Deutsche Vaterlandspartei (German Fatherland Party), founded in 1917. At the end of the war, when it was becoming increasingly clear that Germanyâs loss would be imminent, this extreme right-wing group stubbornly rejected defeat and promoted desperate measures, insisting that winning more territories abroad would solve Germanyâs domestic crises.
Historian George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World War, writes of the reverberation of wartime attitudes into civilian politics, the âbrutalization of German politics, a heightened indifference to human lifeâ that pervaded public life.7 For many after the war, militarism and authoritarianism retained their revered status. Nothing less than a return to Prussian discipline could rein in the postwar chaos that threated to break apart national unity and German identity.8 As Mosse observes, it is this unquestioned regard for authority and the culture of submission that gave way to the uncompromising and callous treatment of political adversaries. âThe process of the brutalization of politics is most easily followed in Germany with its cycle of revolution and counterrevolution after the war, and the years of political uncertainty under the Weimar Republic which followed.â9 The partisan politics of civilian political life was a direct transposition of the friendâenemy distinction operative in wartime.10
In what follows I will connect the postwar experience of loss and the brutalization of politics to a reactionary understanding of the cinema in the Weimar Republic. Toward the end of my reading of Wieneâs Caligari in the introduction, I connected Cesareâs awakening to questions of life and mortality. While the cinematic reanimation of the dead unconsciously confirmed the viewerâs fantasy of her own immortality, we saw how Cesareâs awakening also uncannily reminded the viewer of her own futural death. In the following reading of Robert Reinertâs frenetic 1919 film Nerven (Nerves), I will show how the fantasy of immortality, aligned with the experience of the moving image, is linked to two distinct, but related symptoms of trauma: hallucination and defiant triumphalism.
Nerves is an exemplary film for connecting contemporaneous discourses concerning the ânervesâ and nervousness to postwar male hysteria. Through its main male protagonists, Roloff and Teacher Johannes, Reinertâs film depicts two reaction-formations that seem unable to mourn and remain incapable of working through the past. Their etiologies coalesce around a key psycho-philosophical idea: the narcissistic metaphysics of the âcool,â distanced spectator.11 It is this metaphysics that underpins both the brutalization of politics and the withdrawal of human mortality from considerations of film ontology. By depicting how the postwar ego disavows that which threatens its fantasy of self-reliant wholenessâthrough the denial of shame, vulnerability, defeat, and empathy for the otherâReinertâs film allegorizes an ontology of film inseparable from the disavowal of death. Both the male protagonists of the film, living survivors of the war, adopt the dispassionate technics of the nonliving camera, reiterating the fantasy of having conquered time and mortality while shoring up the fantasy of the pretraumatized self.
Indeed, life in Reinertâs film becomes a principal matter of concern for the postwar subject, reduced through its biopolitical understanding as either healthy or unhealthy, productive or unproductive, for the defeated nation. Though I will argue that Nerves implicates the representation of nervous exhaustion and its relationship to concerns around postwar masculinity, this relationship implicates psycho-philosophical stakes for the cinema spectator who disavows as well, whose look allows the cinema to âlive.â Film theorist Jean-Louis Baudry has written that film âlives on the denial of difference: difference is necessary for it to live, but it lives on its negation.â12 Baudry was speaking about the impression of continuity produced through the succession of discrete images on a filmstrip projected onto a screen. The difference between each image must be disavowed so that the illusion of movement may be sustainedânotably, this is an illusion that for Bergson corresponds to the fallacies of metaphysical thought. We shall see that this act of negation, performed by the spectator, is self-reflexively and allegorically signaled in Nerves. Through Roloff and Johannes, Reinertâs film illuminates how disavowal enables a postwar, solipsistic form of thinking that claims sovereignty over life and its vicissitudes.
Nerves (1919) and the Great War
That the powers of death might be matched against life in one supreme combat, destiny had gathered them all at a single point. And behold how death was conquered; how humanity was saved by material suffering from the moral downfall which would have been its end; while the peoples joyful in their desolation, raised on high the song of deliverance form the depths of ruin and grief!
Henri Bergson, The Meaning of the War (1915)13
In Shell Shock Cinema, Anton Kaes argues that Robert Reinertâs Nerves must be read through the experience of trauma that permeated all cultural production following the war. While the film does not show scenes of military combat, it nevertheless depicts the signs of the warâs aftermath registered in the bodies of returned soldiersâuncontrollable shakes, physical and psychic tremors, and visual and auditory delusions. The language of the nerves and nervousness, utilized to explain these symptoms of shell shock, pre-dated the war by decades, however. Throughout the nineteenth century, these diagnostic categories assessed the psychosomatic effects of life in modernity and the effects of industrialization on the collective nation. âSeen from this angle,â Kaes writes, âwar and revolution were symptoms of a larger malaise: a collective neurasthenia in response to belated but frenzied modernization and urbanization. The discourse on nerves also allowed the filmmaker to create a nexus between the battlefield and the home front.â14 Through the discourse of the nerves, Reinertâs film links the symptoms of shell shock to an already existing knowledge about the shock of modernization on the human body.
It also links the language of nerves with the biopolitics of the nation and the need for healthy, productive citizens after wartime. Nerves should be contextualized within Weimarâs brutalizing politics, not only because it expresses anxieties associated with the traumatized subject, but also because it explicitly prescribes images of healthy, self-sufficient postwar masculinities, set over against the abjected, unhealthy, and dependent other. In her essay, âUnsettling Nerves: Investigating War Trauma in Robert Reinertâs Nerven (1919),â Barbara Hales considers Nerves within postwar understandings of male hysteria and the highly politicized discourse surrounding the war malingerer.15 âIn contrast to the neurasthenic, who has the will but not the stamina, the hysteric possesses a faulty genetic make-up, resulting in the rejection of the will to fight.â16 At a time when the interpretation of war neurosis was thought to be a condition of a weak individual will and faulty nerves, traumatized soldiers were vilified for expressing their inability and refusal to reenter the battlefield. This vilification is illustrated in the first half of Nerves, in a scene where a female character brutally chastises a love-struck man who refuses to take part in the emerging revolutionary movements. He is terrified of the gunfights taking place in the streets and in defiance of her emasculating reprimands, which exacerbates his frail nerves, he randomly murders a stranger on the street. Soldiers who expressed resistance to returning to the front were correspondingly belittled for requesting pensions and psychiatric treatment for their ailments, and criticized for becoming burdens on the already struggling postwar state.17 In her article, Hales concludes that the vilification of the war neurotic is indicative of a larger denial, that is âof Germanyâs overall inability to accept defeat.â18 Both Kaes and Hales account for the way in which Nerves reflects the inability to accept loss in Weimar culture, but the filmâs depiction of the nerves, as a diagnostic language, carries further reaching implications that call for additional philosophical and cinematic scrutiny. Reinertâs fervid film not only connects pre- and postwar notions of the human subject while linking home and war fronts through the depiction of male hysteria, it also allegorizes the encounter between the cinema and the nervous spectator.
Nerves begins with a tumultuous prologue that dramatizes a mother on the home front and her soldier son, âthousands of miles from his Heimat.â The home and the war fronts are interrelated through parallel editing. Nerves alternates a shot of the mother, sensing impending danger, with a shot of a wounded young man gasping for life, crawling among dead bodies strewn about underneath a gnarled tree. Smoke floats in the background, suggesting the presence of gunfire (Figure 1.1). An intertitle indicates the existence of an unseen, telepathic connection between these different locations: âMother, mother! And you feel it, thousands of miles away, at the same moment. What does it mean?â As the dying son cries out and slumps down, lifeless, the film cuts back to the horrified mother with her arms raised in exasperation. This episode seems to anticipate a sequence depicting Hutter and Ellen in Act Two of F. W. Murnauâs Nosferatu from 1922, where a similar telepathic connection between the husband and wife is forged through montage. As in this opening sequence from Reinertâs film, Ellen also reaches out when she senses Hutter in danger many miles away. Despite the great distance, the mother senses the life draining from her beloved offspring through the power of filmic editing.
Figure 1.1 Nerves, 1919
In the second episode of the prologue, a nervous man approaches a sleeping woman. With his shadow projected on the wall, as in the depiction of Alanâs death in Caligari, he violently strangles the vulnerable woman with his bare hands. The tense murderer then looks up and sees a small bird in a birdcage hanging near the womanâs bed. Suddenly feeling sympathy for the small creature, he remarks, âPoor little thing without any water: it is dying, dying.â He fills its small water silo and runs away from the scene of the crime. The relationship between these two episodes is not immediately apparent, but an intertitle that concludes the introduction suggests that both may be linked through the malady of troubled nerves: âBeware you peoples, shaken by nervous epidemics [Nervenepidemien], and terror and panic, or by wild, unbridled lust.â If Nerves reflects how an existing language of nervousness was connected to the symptoms of war trauma, the juxtaposition of these episodes utilizes the nerves to secure further connections between home and war fronts, and by coextension, the symptoms assoc...