Gonzo Republic looks at Hunter S. Thompson's complex relationship
with America. Thompson was a patriot but also a stubborn individualist.
Stephenson examines the whole range of Thompson's work, from his early
reporting from the South American client states of the USA in the 1960s
to his twenty-first-century internet columns on sport, politics and 9/11.
Stephenson argues that Thompson inhabited, but was to some extent
reacting against, the tradition of American individualism begun by the Founding Fathers and continued by Emerson and Thoreau. Thompson sought out the edge-the threshold of chaos and insanity-in order to define himself. His characters enact the same quest, travelling through the surreal landscape of his literary America: the Gonzo Republic.

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1 Stepping into History: Values, Contexts, Influences
I clearly recall thinking: Well, this is it. These are G-Men âŚ
WHACK! Like a flash of nearby lightning that lights up the sky for three or four terrifying split seconds before you hear the thunder â a matter of zepto-seconds in real time â [âŚ]. They had me, dead to rights. I was Guilty. Why deny it? Confess now, and throw myself on their mercy, or â
What? What if I didnât confess? That was the question. (KF, p. 5: emphasis in original)
One summer day in 1946, two FBI agents knocked on the door of the Thompson family home in Louisville, Kentucky. They accused the eldest son of the house, Hunter Stockton Thompson, aged nine, of damaging a federal mailbox, an offence that carried a 5-year prison sentence. They urged Hunter to confess; they already had witnesses, they said, because his friends had squealed on him. Indeed, the boy was guilty. But, acting on impulse, he decided to turn the tables on the G-Men by asking them a question: exactly what witnesses did they have? They had none, and had been lying, and he never saw them again.
With the hindsight of nearly 60 years, writing in his late memoir Kingdom of Fear (2003), Thompson recalled his escape from the agents as âa magic moment in my life, a defining instant for me or any other nine-year-old boy growing up in the 1940s after World War IIâ (KF, p. 5). Unlike the many hardened gangsters, let alone children, who had cracked under such pressure, Thompson had triumphed over his historical context by refusing to believe the popular myth that the Bureau always got its man: âI learned that the FBI was not unbeatable, and that is a very important lesson to learn at the age of nine in Americaâ (p. 8: emphasis in original).
Thompson then moves his memoir forward with a marvellously detailed piece of self-irony. Without that youthful victory over the FBI, he says, he would not be âsitting alone at this goddamn typewriter at 4:23 a.m. with an empty drink beside me and an unlit cigarette in my mouth and a naked woman singing âPorgy and Bessâ on TV across the roomâ (p. 8). Thompsonâs humour arises from the ludicrously specific description of his situation. He does not say âwithout defying the FBI I would not have become a writerâ but implies it through depicting the consequence of his decision: entry into a world of desperate late night deadline pressure, heavy drinking and jaded soft porn consumption that mocks the received idea of a literary life.
Thompson is interrupted when his wife Anita bursts into the room, saying she has just read an online report that the USA has threatened to invade Saudi Arabia if the Saudis do not become allies in the War on Terror (p. 9). When President George W. Bushâs Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld appears on TV to denounce this as a malicious rumour, Thompson again makes clear the duplicity and evasiveness of the state. In the 1940s, the G-Menâs lies about their non-existent evidence, along with the popular legend of the invincible FBI, had threatened to ruin the young Thompsonâs life by sending him to jail for what was, with the benefit of hindsight, a trivial offence: likewise, in the 2000s, the Bush administration is spreading disinformation and cultivating the myth that it is fundamentally benevolent and morally sound to conceal its own ruthless pragmatism. Rumsfeld rants that he will âtrack down and eliminateâ the source of the rumour, while paradoxically urging sweet reasonableness, assuring viewers that the US would never invade such a close ally: âThat would be insaneâ (p. 9).
Thompson concludes, with heavy irony, that he would not dare to question the decisions of a president about to send the US to war against the Muslim world, as âThat would make me a traitor and a dangerous Security Riskâ (p. 9). Instead, he passes to his audience the responsibility to turn the tables on the system, as the 9-year-old Thompson had done to the FBI: to interrogate Bushâs foreign policy and see through the smokescreen laid down by Rumsfeld. The nation, as Thompson saw it, was at a moment of decision: âWe are coming to a big fork in the road for this countryâ (p. 9).
In 2001, just as in 1946, Thompson had to use his liberty or lose it. He did not want the status of a writer to protect him from urgent national questions, from the responsibility to participate in and change history. His response to 9/11 and the subsequent wars was to hit back at Bush, his backers and his hirelings, but not through âsudden outbursts of frustrated violenceâ such as the childish vandalism that had first brought the FBI to his door (PH, p. 70). Instead, he struck at the government through texts such as Kingdom of Fear, which demonstrate how ideology influences the private sphere, and how everyone must try to respond to history, or even to shape it, in response to their own feelings: âTrust thyself: every heart vibrates to that iron stringâ (Emerson, 1984, p. 31).
Throughout his life, Thompson followed this prompt. He was an individualist. Although he participated keenly in the American political scene as a reporter, activist and candidate, he subscribed to Henry David Thoreauâs construction of the individual âas a higher and independent power, from which all [⌠the stateâs] power and authority are derivedâ (Thoreau, 1992, p. 245). His life and work affirmed Ralph Waldo Emersonâs repudiation of authority, whereby each person must ânot suffer himself to be bullied by kings or empires, but know that he is greater than all the geography and all the government of the worldâ (Emerson, 1984, p. 10).
In a letter written in 1957, when he was only 20 years old and still in military service, Thompson tentatively articulated his ideal of personal autonomy based on âa freedom and mobility of thought that few people are able â or even have the courage â to achieveâ (PH, p. 70). At this time, he was strongly influenced by Ayn Randâs The Fountainhead â a novel that had âreally impressedâ him as a high school student (AGW, p. 156). Randâs narrative is about a maverick architectâs fight against a corrupt and oppressive system. Its protagonist, Howard Roark, sets himself up as a non-conformer even in youth, just as Thompson did. Roark is told by his teachers that a life of self-sacrifice is âbeautiful and inspiring. Only he had not felt inspired. He had felt nothing at allâ (Rand, 2007, p. 528). The Fountainhead formed an extended metaphor for Randâs belief that people should aim to be âman-worshipers, [who] in my sense of the term, are those who see manâs highest potential and strive to actualize itâ, as opposed to the mediocre, conformist âman-hatersâ who work to stifle human self-realization (Rand, 2007, p. xii).
Thompson found such libertarian rhetoric attractive as it articulated his intuitive sense of himself as a unique individual whose lifelong quest would be to create himself on his own terms. As a relative youth, he had difficulty expressing his principles clearly, but he had faith in his future development as a writer, which would eventually enable him to crystallize his ideas: âThat will come later [⌠because the lack] lies not in the ability, but in the scope of perception of oneâs own creative abilityâ (PH, p. 70).
Throughout his life, Thompson strove to create and develop an authentic, autonomous identity; but he also understood that there was a power structure to which every individual had to adapt, and that history could mould the subject far more easily than the subject could mould itself. Indeed, history did its best to crush Thompson. His quest to reach his full potential was hindered by such outside forces as poverty and the lack of a college degree and social connections; but his strongest opponent was the state. After his brush with the FBI over the mailbox affair in 1946, he spent a month in jail as a teenager in 1955; a cop clubbed him when he showed his press pass at an anti-Vietnam War demonstration in 1968; the police raided his home in 1990 and he was charged with sexual assault and the possession of illicit drugs. He weathered all this and consistently refused to accept that historical forces, personified by state institutions, could or should determine his life. Like Emerson, he:
internalized or subjectified history so as to be able to use it, to make it part of his own fiber. He did not step out of history but into it, deciding to make it rather than be made by it. (Porte, 1999, p. 4)1
Thompsonâs belief that the individual subject should realize itself and shape its own place in history was typified by his definition of politics as âthe art of controlling your environmentâ to which he added the anti-establishment caveat, âIf you donât get into politics, somebody else controls your environment, your worldâ (AGW, p. 156).
The environment Thompson controlled was, first and foremost, his dwelling place. He created his own version of Thoreauâs Walden Pond at Owl Farm â the isolated ranch in Woody Creek, near Aspen, Colorado, where he lived from 1967 to the end of his life. There, relatively unhindered by officialdom, he could, in the tradition of a transcendentalist hermit, âtransact some private business with the fewest obstaclesâ (Thoreau, 1992, p. 13). In Thompsonâs case, this meant taking drugs, shooting guns, detonating explosives and driving dangerously â but above all else, it meant writing. Thompsonâs constant phone calls and correspondence with friends, editors, creditors and others, as well as his tastes for intoxicants and for printed and televised information, meant that he was in some respects the opposite of Thoreau, who âwould fain keep sober alwaysâ (Thoreau, 1992, p. 145) and despised letters and news as a waste of time and gossip (p. 63â4); but like his nineteenth-century ancestors, Thompson knew the value of freedom in solitude. Owl Farm was an environment that he fought tenaciously to preserve; he resisted all attempts to build on the land around it, as he struggled to keep Aspen uncontaminated by real-estate developers and businessmen hunting a fast buck.
Thompson did not share the spiritual focus of Emerson and Thoreau. He was a humanist in several senses: he celebrated humane values over cruelty and greed; he championed the individual against the system; although staunchly anti-Republican and loosely pro-Democrat, he never actively campaigned for any political party except his own Freak Power movement (see Chapter 3), as he preferred a sceptical, non-aligned stance that allowed free thought; and he was not a religious believer.2 He subscribed to the 1960s countercultureâs distrust of grand abstractions and shared its preference for âThe lively consciousness of men and women as they are in their vital daily realityâ (Roszak, 1971, p. 54: emphasis in original).
And yet he was equally ready to criticize the emerging institutions of the counterculture. He despised the fashionable fusion of drugs and Eastern religion, exemplified by the pseudo-Buddhist doctrines of the Harvard psychologistâturned LSD guru Timothy Leary. He used hallucinogenic substances regularly, but did so in order to achieve a secular form of transcendence of the mental restrictions imposed by law and government. For Thompson, acid was not a spiritual drug but it was, in his own sense, political, as it became a medium through which he could control his sensory environment and mental state and change both for the better. Unlike Leary, Thompson did not get high to abandon his ego. He did so to fashion that ego (see Chapter 2); to follow his own idiosyncratic interpretation of Thomas Jeffersonâs creed of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
The decade of the hippies, LSD, Vietnam and the Civil Rights Movement offered many opportunities to live out this ideal. The 1960s were a pivotal time in Thompsonâs life: he published his first book, found his lifelong enemy in Richard M. Nixon, discovered hallucinogenics, married and raised a child and founded Owl Farm. Like the 1830s context of Emersonâs transcendentalist movement, the 1960s were a fine time to be a rebel: âa moment in history containing both expansive hope and a sense of strife and embattlement, and marked by [âŚ] new ethical and political imperativesâ (Robinson, 1999, p. 13). Arthur Marwick has argued that during the decade, âvarious countercultural movements and subculturesâ engaged with mainstream society and âdid not confront that society but permeated and transformed itâ (Marwick, 1999, p. 13: emphasis in original): Thompson, though, not only confronted the establishment through his subversive, satirical writing and political activism, but also scorned the countercultureâs naĂŻve belief that it could transform society through an infusion of peace, love and dope.
Thompson was a patriot. He sought to rebel against the corrupt establishment, but only in order to return the US to its neglected core values â those of the Constitution and Declaration of Independence â that promised individual fulfilment founded on the principle that all human beings are created equal.3 Like the Founding Fathers, Thompson had inherited from the eighteenth-century radical Thomas Paine the ideal of inalienable human rights, founded on the binary opposition between the individual and government: âman, were he not corrupted by governments, is naturally the friend of man [âŚ] human nature is not of itself viciousâ (Paine, 1969, p. 230).
Thompson believed in acting like a human being, and in treating others as such, by defying whatever degrading cruelty convention might demand. The word âhumanâ always carries positive connotations in his writing, and usually also suggests a value under threat from hostile forces. In a 1965 letter to Lyndon B. Johnson, he exhorted the president to start âacting like a thinking human instead of a senile political beastâ (PH, p. 497). In 1970, he explained his search for a house and land in Aspen, Colorado, as a quest for a refuge from the brutal modernity of Johnson and Nixon, for a place where he could live âlike a human beingâ (FLA, p. 273). In a 1973 letter to the right-wing Republican ideologue Pat Buchanan, then one of Nixonâs speechwriters, he said he was pleased that political opponents could âsit down at night as friends and human beingsâ and that he welcomed âa human talk with you, if things work outâ (FLA, p. 531). Later, in 1975, Thompson railed at Jann Wenner, his editor at Rolling Stone magazine, for betraying him over a book proposal, after having acted at first âlike a human beingâ (FLA, p. 610).
To Thompson, being or becoming human meant realizing an authentic self. Like his contemporary, the novelist Ken Kesey, whose work he greatly admired, Thompson âbegan with the urge to create from within himself and to involve himself in his world, drives which suggest a need to experience fully what it means to be humanâ (Bredahl, 1981, pp. 76â7). âHe took it seriously â being a decent human, seriously caring about the rights of manâ (Ralph Steadman, cited in Wenner and Seymour, 2007, p. 437).
In Thomsonâs lexicon, human beings were always opposed to the inhuman drones who served the corrupt establishment, whom he often called âpigfuckersâ or âscumsuckersâ. Swine was another consistent term of abuse in Thompsonâs work, and was often linked to venality. He entitled one anthology of his newspaper columns Generation of Swine: Tales of Shame and Degradation in the â80s. In it, he wrote, âHeaven will be a place where the swine will be sorted out at the gate and sent off like ratsâ (GS, p. 11). Thompsonâs excoriating denunciation of mindless conformity recalls Thoreau: âThe mass of men serve the State thus, not as men mainly, but as machines [âŚ]. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogsâ (Thoreau, 1992, p. 228). In 1972, Thompson debated, with dry irony, whether Richard Nixon qualified as human: âIs Nixon âhuman?â Probably so, in the technical sense. He is not a fish or a fowl. [âŚ] It is one of those ugly realities [âŚ] that we will all have to face and acceptâ (Wenner and Seymour, 2007, pp. 168â69).
Thompsonâs humanism was never self-satisfied or complacent: he was often bitterly self-critical, and did not spare the counterculture. The debauched drug abuse of Raoul Duke and Dr Gonzo in Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas represents an escapist, animalistic retreat from the human condition, as well as an exaggerated parody of Thompsonâs own drug-centred lifestyle. The novel carries the epigraph from Dr Johnson, âHe who makes a beast of himself gets rid of the pain of being a manâ (LV, n.p.). This is amply demonstrated in the opening chapter, where the stoned protagonists bait a hapless hitchhiker, and the guilt-ridden Duke wonders, âHad we deteriorated to the level of dumb beasts?â (p. 8: emphasis in original).
Thompson realized his own humanity through writing as much as through life: paradoxically, the authentic self that he wanted to create and maintain was to a great extent evolved on the page through a series of more or less autobiographical characters. Italo Calvino, the prolific Italian fabulist and experimental novelist, once remarked that âThe preliminary condition of any work of literature is that the person who is writing has to invent that first character, who is the author of the workâ (Calvino, 1989, p. 111). Calvino situates the author outside biography: the composer is no longer ...
Table of contents
- Cover
- Half-Title Page
- Title Page
- Dedication
- Acknowledgements
- Glossary
- 1Â Â Stepping into History: Values, Contexts, Influences
- 2Â Â Riding with the Angels, Tripping in the Haight: Drugs, Authorities, Countercultures
- 3Â Â Gonzo Fists, Guinea Worms and Freaks: The Political Circus
- 4Â Â The Elusive American Dream; the Edge, the Lodge and the Frontier; Gonzo Sex and Gender
- 5Â Â âBash the Buggers Silly; Bomb the Insaneâ: Thompson and the American Empire
- 6Â Â Conclusion: âThe Place of Definitionsâ
- Appendix I. Thompson on Film
- Appendix II. The Gonzo Net
- Bibliography
- Index
- eCopyright
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