Myanmar: Reintegrating Into The International Community
eBook - ePub

Myanmar: Reintegrating Into The International Community

Reintegrating into the International Community

  1. 424 pages
  2. English
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eBook - ePub

Myanmar: Reintegrating Into The International Community

Reintegrating into the International Community

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About This Book

Located at the junction of East Asia, South Asia and Southeast Asia, Myanmar is one of the most important countries in the world's geopolitical landscape. Its ongoing political and economic reforms arouse growing concern from the international community, especially great powers like the US, Japan, India and China. Will the demostic reform bring Myanmar back to the international community? How and to which extent does the demostic reform change Myanmar's relations with other countries?

This book is based on papers presented at an international conference on Myanmar held at the Institute of Myanmar Studies in Yunnan University, China in 2014. Based on their long-term observation and studies, experts from China, Laos, Myanmar, Germany, Singapore and the US share their opinions on Myanmar's domestic reform and foreign relations, as well as the current situation and future prospect. This book contributes to better understanding of Myanmar in its dramatic political and social transition.


Contents:

  • Myanmar's Foreign Relations:
    • China–Myanmar Relations Since 2011 (Hao Zhigang)
    • Myanmar: In Search of Lost Equilibrium (David I Steinberg)
    • Myanmar Foreign Policy under New Government: Changes and Prospects (Chaw Chaw Sein)
    • Myanmar Looks to ASEAN First for Its Future (Larry Jagan)
    • China–Myanmar Relations Since Naypyidaw's Political Transition: How Beijing can Balance Short-Term Interests and Long-Term Values (Li Chenyang and James Char)
    • China–Myanmar's Relations after 2010: Political Reform, Local Development and Cross-Border Cooperation (Nora Schlenzig)
    • The Focus Change of American Sanction Policies to Myanmar: From Democracy to National Reconciliation (Wang Zichang)
    • Myanmar's Reforms and Opening the New Charpter with Japan (Khin Ma Ma Myo)
    • New Developments in Japan–Myanmar Relations after the Thein Sein Administration came to Power (Bi Shihong)
  • Myanmar's Political Reform and Transition:
    • Myanmar's Reform: Current Situation and Future Prospect (Ko Ko Hlaing)
    • The Motivations and Game in Myanmar's Transition (Zhai Kun and Song Qingrun)
    • Does the New Political Development Pattern Occur in Myanmar?: Approaching the Analysis of State–Society Interaction Relation Since 2008 (Chen Yi-Chun and Soong Jenn-Jaw)
    • Myanmar's Economic and Political Transition and Chinese Investment in Myanmar (Lu Guangsheng and Jin Zhen)
  • Current Situation and Developing Tendency in Myanmar:
    • Reintegrating into the International Community: Opportunities and Challenges for Myanmar (U Khin Maung Nyunt)
    • The Role of Myanmar's Media in Democratization: Challenges Not Overcome or Opportunities Missed? (Aung Tun)
    • Emerging Patterns of Parliamentary Politics (Renaud Egreteau)
    • Myanmar Ethnic Peace Process: Strategy of the Myanmar Government in the Ongoing Democratic Transition (Su Mon Th Thazin Aung)
    • Myanmar's Resource Nationalism and Its Influence (Luo Shengrong)


Readership: Political scientists, undergraduates, graduate students, general readers interested in Myanmar studies.

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Part I

Myanmar’s Foreign Relations

Chapter 1

China–Myanmar Relations Since 2011

Hao Zhigang*
_____________________
* Hao Zhigang is the Director of the Department of Asian Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PRC.
We may consider China–Myanmar relations to be extraordinarily good as evidenced by the fact that we can call each other “baopo.” My Myanmar friends told me that “baopo” means brothers by the same mother. China and Myanmar each has many neighbors, but only one baopo, which proves the closeness and importance of our relations. China and Myanmar enjoy a long history of friendly exchanges. Recently, the TV drama titled Legend of Southwest Dance and Music jointly filmed by Myanmar and China artists tells us how 1313 years ago, the prince of the Kingdom and his dance group traveled all the way from Myanmar to Chang’an, capital city of the Tang dynasty. It tells us the about the generations-long friendship between China and Myanmar people. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Premier Zhou Enlai and Myanmar president Woo Ne Win visited each other nine and 12 times, respectively, which is a remarkable history exchange stories. Now China and Myanmar have established a comprehensive strategic partnership of cooperation, the highest level with neighboring countries. Geographically China and Myanmar are linked with common mountains and rivers, sharing a border of more than 2,000 kilometers. There are cliffs in the border regions but also cross-border villages and people living within hailing distance. It is said that Myanmar is China’s south gate and China is Myanmar’s home front. Our two countries are vital to each other’s security and strategic defense. Conflicts between neighbors should be resolved through dialogue. In the 1960s, China and Myanmar addressed the border issues on the basis of mutual interests and coordination. Promoting friendly relations not only maintains the peace, stability and development of the border region, but also safeguards the lasting stability of our two countries. China and Myanmar have been in the same boat. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Myanmar was among the first countries with a different social system to recognize China. And it was among the first Asian countries to sign a treaty of friendship and mutual non aggression with China. When Myanmar was under 20 years of sanctions from the West, China stuck to non-interference in their internal affairs, while carrying out extensive exchanges and cooperation with Myanmar in bold defense of Myanmar’s interests on the international stage. After the Thein Sein government came to power, the neighborly tradition of mutal help and support has been continued and strengthened. Last year, China offered reserved support for Myanmar to hold the 27th Southeast Asian Games. China’s vice-premier Liu Yandong attended the warm and splendid opening ceremony. My Myanmar friends told me that if not for help from China, the Games would not have been as successful.
China has a vast market with large financial and technical advantages for Myanmar, while Myanmar is rich in natural resources. Needless to say our economic cooperation is mutually beneficial. I believe experts on China–Myanmar relations in the present day will explore more potential China–Myanmar cooperation. Take the above-mentioned TV drama as an example. The show has triggered hot online discussions in China, with 200,000 comments from internet users. The Chinese actor who plays the princess now has 50,000 fans on Weibo, a kind of Chinese Twitter. The show also received a lot of praise in Myanmar, demonstrating how the cooperation between Myanmar and China goes far beyond the traditional areas such as trade and the economy. As the Chinese say, a close neighbors is better than a distant relative. Maintaining good relations with Myanmar is a high priority in China’s diplomacy. China’s new leadership, President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang and other leaders have met president U Thein Sein and the Speaker of parliament. As a witness of these meetings, I was impressed that the Chinese leaders continually stated that no matter how the international and domestic scenario changes, China will persistently pursue a friendly policy towards Myanmar.
Frankly speaking, with some changes witnessed in Myanmar in terms of the domestic scenario in recent years, China–Myanmar relations are faced with some complex issues. There are some doubts both in China and abroad. China–Myanmar relations have experienced twists and turns. Should China adjust its policy towards Myanmar? China–Myanmar friendship can survive hardships, as whatever difficulties or changes are encountered, the two countries strongly respect each other, support each other, and safeguard each other’s mutual interests based on the point that we have emphasized repeatedly: that in order to maintain China friendship, we should on the one hand carry on with the good tradition formed in the long-term friendly exchanges between the two countries. On the other hand, we need to address new issues and challenges in our bilateral relations in a timely fashion so as to ensure the long-term stability and healthy development of China–Myanmar relations. Here we have some thoughts on how to develop China relations.
The first step is to enhance strategic communication. As we know, maintaining high level exchanges is crucial for promoting bilateral communication. We welcome Myanmar leaders to visit China, and Chinese leaders are also willing to visit Myanmar at the convenience of both sides. China would like to enhance exchanges and cooperation with Myanmar. Political parties and the parliament should learn from each other the experience of running parties and the management of political affairs as well. The conference marking the anniversary of the Five Principles of Coexistence proposed by China, India and Myanmar was successfully held in June 2014 in Beijing. President Woo Thein Sien visited China and attended to relevant commemorative activities, jointly promoting the spirit of the important basic principles of international relations and effectively pushing China and Myanmar relations forward to a new level.
Second, to deepen China–Myanmar trade cooperation, the Chinese leaders emphasized time and again that China is willing to enhance cooperation with Myanmar in line with the principle of mutual benefits and win-win results. We will take care of each other’s concerns. In other words, China will not only develop itself, but also bring more benefit of China’s reform and opening up to its neighboring countries, Myanmar included. In recent years we have undertaken possibility studies and given feedback on our cultural loans. It proved that the people’s livelihood and infrastructure are what the Myanmar side cares most about. We learned that one of the focal points that experts have been discussing these days is that China-Myanmar cooperation on large-scale projects. We understand that after the political transformation of Myanmar, large-scale projects as represented by Misong Power Station were hindered by some complex factors in China–Myanmar relations. We also learned that foreign investors, including Chinese ones, have abandoned their plans to invest in Myanmar. But fortunately, it is encouraging that with the joint efforts of our two sides, some problems have been properly addressed. As for the next step, the suggestion would be that we should enhance coordination in our economic and trade cooperation in order to secure long-term large-scale projects, such as a China–Myanmar oil pipeline, to promote the projects in Myanmar for improving the local people’s livelihood and to achieve the maximum social economic benefit. We should also keep on coordinating on issues such as the Misong Power Station, seeking an appropriate solution as soon as possible so as to rebuild the confidence on both sides. The Chinese side attached great importance to harbors, an industrial park and advantages for cooperation. We expected the support from the Myanmar side of Chinese companies so that we could work together to make this project a new model for China–Myanmar win-win cooperation.
Third, to address the Myanmar issues appropriately such as issues regarding the China–Myanmar border region, we always emphasize to our Myanmar friends that the north Myanmar issue affects the stability of the border region as well as the safety of the large-scale projects in this region. Since the founding of Myanmar’s new government, it has developed the domestic reconciliation process by resolving differences with local armed compositions through peace dialogues, and that has lead to achievements in the peace-building process. We respect Myanmar’s sovereignty and territory integrity and would certainly play a constructive role in Myanmar’s peace progress so as to maintain the prosperity and stability of the China–Myanmar border region.
The fourth step is to promote people-to-people and cultural exchanges and to lay social and public opinion foundations for our friendship. Relations between two countries are based on the people of the countries. Therefore, the long-term stability of China–Myanmar relations is based on the understanding and support by people of both countries. I visited Myanmar several times before and have received Myanmar delegations of different levels and areas. Based on my experience I feel that from national leaders to ordinary people, there is a strong willingness to promote comprehensive cooperation among people and cultural exchanges with China. It has been affected by various factors such as the influence of the western media, and the understanding between the two people is still not adequate sometimes, including some misunderstandings. Admittedly there are some deficiencies in our people-to-people and cultural exchanges, which indicates potential room for improvement. Relevant departments from both countries are working on the consensus reached during the visit to Myanmar by our vice-premier Liu Yandong, promoting bilateral coorporation in areas like culture, sports, Buddhism and education, health, film and TV dramas so as to improve the two countries’ comprehensive and strategic partnership cooperation.
It has been three years since Myanmar’s transformation, with reform and opening up going on steadily and positively in areas like domestic political reconciliation, economic development, livelihood improvement and foreign exchange expansion. China as a friendly neighboring country will always respect and support Myanmar’s decision to choose its sustainable and suitable path for development independently based on its national condition. China hopes Myanmar keeps the train of stability and development.
The practice of China’s opening up and reform tells us that it is the key to stick to the right direction. We should not lose ourselves in the path of reform and de velopment. Development is our goal, reform is the driving force, stability is the foundation, and without stability, reform and development will have no way forward. With the coordination and corporation of Myanmar’s parliament, government and ruling party, and the support of think tanks, we believe that the people of Myanmar will have the ability and wisdom to realize the balance between reform and stability, and move forward in the course of national improvement and progress.
To conclude, China would like to make concerted efforts with Myanmar to meet challenges, deepen mutually beneficial cooperation, promote regional peace and stability and make due contribution to world peace and stability.

Chapter 2

Myanmar: In Search of Lost Equilibrium*

David I. Steinberg**
_____________________
* The original title is Myanmar: a la recherche de l’équilibre perdu.
** David I. Steinberg is Distinguished Professor of Asian Studies Emeritus, Georgetown University and Visiting Scholar, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University.

Introduction

Myanmar is not searching its past foreign policy for the equivalent of the Proustian madeleine that will bring back memories of the past era of quintessential Burmese neutralism. Nor is it looking for the magic bullet that will insulate it from diplomatic diseases and infections. Rather, in its own way, and in its own national interests, it is — to use a United States policy expression — “pivoting” or “rebalancing” its own diplomatic stance toward an international equilibrium long lost for half a century. Its effective recalculation of its foreign policy probably reflects internal economic needs and political calculations. How this will play out in the contemporary world will depend both on the reactions of Myanmar’s neighbors and powers, but also the degree to which the government is able to improve internal conditions for its peoples and its legitimacy, its resolution of important issues of minority relations, and the effectiveness of the infusion of economic support from its host of foreign donors.
The modern equivalent of the Burmese neutralism of the Cold War, the neutralism that enabled U Thant to become Secretary-General of the United Nations in 1961, needs to be transformed into a policy consistent with the demands of the post-Cold War era — an era beginning virtually concurrent with the end of the Burma Socialist Programme Party reign and the coup of September 1988 that brought the tatmadaw (Burmese military) back into direct executive power. That transformation is no longer one of assiduously weighing relations between two strong polarized powers and avoiding the mazes and minefields of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, and sid...

Table of contents

  1. Cover page
  2. Title page
  3. Copyright page
  4. Contents
  5. Preface
  6. Contributors
  7. Part I Myanmar’s Foreign Relations
  8. Part II Myanmar’s Political Reform and Transition
  9. Part III Current Situation and Developing Tendency in Myanmar
  10. Index