Section 1
THE ROLE OF MUSLIM INSTITUTIONS IN PROMOTING INTER-COMMUNAL PEACE
Chapter 1
THE ROLE OF MUSLIM ORGANISATIONS AND GRASSROOTS ACTIVISTS IN REHABILITATING MUSLIMâBUDDHIST RELATIONS IN CAMBODIA
Farina So
This paper examines the relationship between Cham Muslims, Khmer Buddhists and others, as well as the role of Muslim institutions in enhancing the relations between different groups. It suggests that MuslimâBuddhist relations in this era are good, despite some misconceptions. To date, the communities have never experienced any ethnic conflict or violence. The role of Muslim institutions help maintain this kind of relationship by dispelling misconceptions, and promoting peace through religious and social-related activities.
Approximately 600,000 Cham Muslims live in Cambodia, where they make up about 4% of the total population. Cambodiaâs Muslims consist of three major groups: Chams, Malays or Chvea, and Cham Jahed (Imam San). The term âCham Muslimâ refers to both the Cham and the Chvea. The Malays or Chvea (Javanese descendants) practice Islam like the Cham, but they do not speak Cham. They speak Khmer mixed with a little Malay. There is a small group of the Cham called Cham Jahed. This group is well-known for maintaining Cham customs and traditions. Chvea (Javanese descendants) or Malays, are also known as âKhmer Islamâ, a term coined by the late King Sihanouk in the 1960s. The late King aimed at creating a nationalist policy embracing all ethnic minorities and hill tribes. The term âKhmer-Leuâ was assigned to hill tribes and âKhmer Kromâ to Kampuchea Krom people in Southern Cambodia. The first two groups (the Cham and Chvea) are Malay-influenced Safiâi (Wahabi) and SaudiâKuwaiti Salafi.1
Throughout history (Sangkum Reastr Niyum, Khmer Republic or Lon Nol regime, Peopleâs Republic of Kampuchea, State of Kampuchea, and the current regime), the community has co-existed with the Buddhist majority and others, despite some misconceptions such as ethnic jokes and negative perceptions of Cham. However, Democratic Kampuchea (1975â1979) was an exception. In this period, Cham Muslims were singled out. Between 100,000 and 500,000 Cham Muslims lost their lives during this regime. In recent years, misperceptions about the Cham have been intensified by recent events such as terrorist attacks and a revival of radical Islam.
This paper addresses several puzzles and offers recommendations for further discussions on the topic in a series of future forums. Why is racial or ethnical discrimination not felt strongly by the Cham Muslim community today despite being targeted during the Khmer Rouge period? Why have recent changes in world politics, such as the 9/11 attack in America and the arrest of Riduan Isamuddin (Hambali) in Southern Thailand in 2003 increased discrimination against Islam and Muslims? At the same time, why do some Khmers feel that they experience discrimination with the revival of Islam? To what extent does the role of media reporting and Islamic transnational networks contribute to shaping such a negative image of Islam? What are the measures taken by the current Cambodian Muslim institutions to ameliorate the relationship between Muslims, the Buddhist majority and others? Is the inclusion of gender in this process and a better institutional design an effective mechanism for enhancing Muslim and non-Muslim relations?
My research from 2006 to 2014 shows that a sense of one destiny or âsurvivorâ identity of the grave human rights violations committed by the Khmer Rouge (1975â1979) has strengthened the relationship between Cham Muslims and the majority, and increased joint efforts to prevent the recurrence of similar violations. However, there are still some major misconceptions that exist in both the past and present day situations, due to recent changes in world politics and transnational networks. There were several incidents in 2003 that contributed to the shaping of a negative image of Islam and Muslims. The first incident was when, prior to his 2003 arrest in Southern Thailand, Riduan Isamuddin (Hambali) sought refuge near one of the mosques in the capital city of Cambodia, and the second incident was the temporary closure of the Ummal Qura school in the Kandal province in the same year.2 After these incidents, in addition to the legacies of pre-war beliefs such as the existence of black magic, many Khmers perceive Islam as violent. Media reports, particularly some Western mainstream media outlets, on jihad and Islamic extremism have intensified this condition. To some extent, the abovementioned media is often seen as biased. It attempts to offer a deep analysis on negative consequences of a handful of individual Muslims, rather than provide a complete picture of the story. Any perceived inflammatory report worsens the already gloomy situation. In addition, transnational groups such as the Hambali case, and a call for an absolute orthodoxy of Islam by a few specific foreign dakwah groups, also worsen the existing negative perception.
Muslim institutions such as the current Grand Mufti, Muslim NGOs and grassroots activists have done a great deal to prevent ethnic or religious violence, enhance relationships between Muslims and non-Muslims, and dispel misconceptions. These institutions work to balance the information about Cham Muslims and Islam, offer moderate interpretations of Islam through private media, i.e., radio and publications, provide support of interfaith dialogue at grassroots, national, regional and international levels, engage with the community, conflict transformation, social and political engagement in mainstream society, and emphasise a shared âsurvivorâ identity. These efforts have yielded several major outcomes, which enhance mutual understanding and respect in the country. However, we will benefit more from these efforts if there is a better inclusion of gender roles or womenâs groups in the process, and have a better framework in place to deal with these significant issues. The rationale is that women tend to embrace a symbol of peace. Womenâs rights is one of the more sensitive issues in Islam, therefore womenâs participation will cast light on equality and gender. An institutionalised framework that includes womenâs groups will enable the community to coordinate activities across networks more effectively.
While most of these institutions were created after the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement, there have been some established that work on providing relief, educational scholarships, medical services, microfinance, vocational training and religious teaching to the needy more recently. Specific strategies and activities undertaken by Muslim institutions to deal with these issues include the following.
(1)Using Media and Publications to Balance Information about Cham, Islam and Muslims
The image of the Cham Muslim community has been dominated by Western media, which tend to encapsulate Islamisation, politics of Islam, and Islamic transnational networks. These publications have raised issues that are different from the reality of the community. For example, they have focused too much concern about the effects of Islamisation.
Two radio programmes were launched to balance information about extremism, promote mutual understanding with the Buddhist community and actively encourage development in the Cham community: Radio Sap Cham (Voice of Cham) and the Islamic Voice Radio programme, Khmer-language radio programmes geared towards the Cham Muslim community, which began in 2004 and 2009, respectively. The first radio programme is operated by the Cambodian Muslim Radio station, which was established by the Cambodian Muslim Development Organisation (CMDO). It seeks to increase the Chamâs awareness of development, health, womenâs rights issues, and current affairs; preserve and promote Cham culture and language; promote peace, democracy and human rights; and combat terrorism. It is broadcast in Cham language and targets Cham listeners. However, the second radio programme is aimed at both Cham Muslims and non-Muslim audiences, particularly the Khmer majority. In the beginning, the programme only aired the recitation of the Qurâan, but then expanded to include commentaries on political and economic news that affect the community.3
The Muslim community, especially the Grand Mufti, seeks to build peace, tolerance and peaceful coexistence among Muslim and non-Muslim populations through religious and non-religious messages. These messages are broadcast through Muslim media i.e., radio programmes and other local media outlets. These messages are intended to educate the young generation to be good Muslims and avoid any kind of intra- and inter-ethnic conflict. Zakaryya H.E. Adam, Vice President of the Cambodian Muslim Development Fund (CMDF) and Deputy Mufti of the orthodox community, emphasises the concept in local media that âeven if they are not Muslims, sometimes their good deeds are more than what a Muslim did,â he says. âSo we shouldnât be proud to be a Muslim by looking down on other people who are not Muslims. If we look at the history, the companions of the Prophet were non-Muslims.â4
Publications of Cham-Islam related issues are also seen as essential information to promote mutual understanding between Muslims and non-Muslims. Recently, the Qurâan has been translated into the Khmer and Cham languages and released in December 2011.5 Hundreds of copies of the Qurâan were disseminated to Muslim communities inside the country and abroad. I have observed that many people welcomed this initiative. The translated Qurâan is also available to non-Muslim communities in the country. Despite objections by Dakâwah Tablighi,6 the translated Qurâan will help Muslims to better understand the Qurâan if Arabic is not their native language. It will also enable non-Muslims to understand Islam after reading it. Since the translation has recently been released, it is suggested that a general survey be conducted to understand its effects.
Research about the Cham Muslim perspective is crucial to give a balanced view about the community. The Documentation Centre of Cambodia (DC-Cam) started to collect oral history recollections from Cham villages to allow these communities to speak about the origin of their villages and on religious affairs. The collected stories about the villages and their views about religion are posted on DC-Cam website or published in DC-Cam publications.7 The Centre plans to introduce new research methodologies to Muslim youth to help them effectively conduct research on the community. The collected materials will be edited and published as a book and then made available to the public.
(2)Interfaith dialogue
Interfaith dialogue is central to building tolerance and mutual understanding in the community. The community seeks to organise this dialogue or get involved with other interfaith dialogue initiatives organised by NGOs, the state or regional organisations.
At the grassroots level, this dialogue is very informal but indispensable, because it engages the people who live side by side in the community. Usually, the hakim or the elders in the community meet and talk to the head of Buddhist monks or elders to share values of Islam and Buddhism. This is done more easily when Muslims and Buddhist monks (patriarchs) are longstanding friends because trust has already been built.
At the NGO level, dialogues bring together elders, religious leaders and youth of different faiths to discuss misunderstandings or misconceptions of different religions and beliefs. The purpose of this dialogue is to find commonalities and differences, and to reconcile their differences through peacebuilding initiatives. The Alliance for Conflict Transformation (ACT) and Cambodian Muslim Youth Coordination Centre (CMYCC) are seen as active leaders in this area.
Dialogues in workshops are organised in various parts of the country, especially in locations where Muslims make up a sizeable number of the population. In these workshops, ACT introduces multiple approaches to conflict transformation and interfaith coexistence initiatives.8 Likewise, CMYCC has engaged Muslim and non-Muslim youth in less formal ways, through peacebuilding with other faiths and capacity building activities to manage conflicts that might occur due to stereotyping, prejudice or misconceptions.
At the national level, interfaith or inter-ethnic dialogue is organised by the Ministry of Religion and Cults, either bi-annually or annually. This dialogue brings together senior religious leaders, heads of interfaith-related NGOs and government agencies, to embrace harmony and cooperation in order to address global issues. The ministry also urges all religions and faiths to promote humanity and peace. Muslim representatives from the Grand Mufti or the government are invited to join the dialogue, and then encouraged to spread their words to other stakeholders and community members.
The Muslim community has engaged in interfaith dialogue for peace at the regional level from the beginning. The Asia-Pacific interfaith dialogue process began in Yogyakarta in December 2004 and later moved to Cambodia. Cambodia hosted the fourth interfaith dialogue in April 2008. Grand Mufti Oknha Haji Kamruddhin bin Yusuf (Sos Kimry), a number of Muslim NGOs and religious leaders took part in the dialogue, and conducted presentations on the state of the Muslim community to the audience.
The dialogue emphasises tolerance, respect, harmony and development. The Grand Muftiâs message highlighted the current status of Cham Muslims, religious structure, teaching and mutual respect. Unfortunately, the lack of evaluati...