Visual Journeys Through Wordless Narratives

An International Inquiry With Immigrant Children and The Arrival

Evelyn Arizpe, Teresa Colomer, Carmen Martínez-Roldán

• Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic
• Year: 2014
• ISBN:
  9781780937762
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Literature
• Subtopic: Literary Criticism
• Index: Literature

Winner of the Literacy Research Association's 2015 Edward B. Fry Book Award Immigration is an ongoing, global phenomenon and schools and teachers in host countries must continually find new ways of working with the increasing numbers of immigrant pupils, including refugees and asylum seekers. Language and literacy are crucial for inclusion in a new context but these must be developed in spaces where these children feel safe to explore themes that resonate with their experiences; to express their understanding and to engage in intercultural exchange. Visual Journeys Through Wordless Narratives presents the exploration of response strategies to Shaun Tan's The Arrival. The inquiry was carried out in educational settings, with children from many different parts of the world, in four host countries: the UK, Spain, Italy and the USA. The findings reveal the benefits of using wordless narratives such as picturebooks and graphic novels together with visual strategies to support immigrant children's literary understandings and visual literacy. They also reveal the wealth of experiences the children bring with them which have the potential to transform educational practices.

Part One

Embarking on the Journey

1

The Vessel: Theoretical Frameworks and Intersections

As we said in the Introduction, our aim was to explore how immigrant children from diverse backgrounds construct meaning from complex visual narratives, particularly when those narratives are about immigration issues. We wanted to find out if and how picturebooks could encourage reflection on the personal, social and intercultural issues involved in the immigrant experience. We were also interested in their experiences of visual literacy, particularly when encountering a wordless picturebook, where the images carry the weight of meaning. As we journeyed through the wide-ranging issues and aspects that concern immigrant children and their responses to visual narrative, we needed a vessel with a strong frame in order to reach our destination.

This chapter brings together some of the contextual and theoretical frameworks that helped us to understand the needs of the children but also to identify the strengths they bring to the educational context. We start with a summary review of some of the main issues affecting the literacy of children who have migrated to a new country and must learn a new language and culture. We present a broad view of immigration and how children fit into current contexts and discourses, and then focus on the educational concerns, moving towards aspects of language, literature and literacy in classrooms of increasing diversity. The second section of the chapter considers research on the use of images in education and on the processes of visual literacy. Here we also look at different forms of visual narratives before moving into the third section, where we focus on the particular affordances of wordless picturebooks and consider how previous research with real readers and these texts can inform our inquiry. The frameworks position our collective understandings of migration, visual literacy and picturebooks, and of the ways in which these topics can intersect. These intersections led to the development of our overall research questions and methods of inquiry. These structures also underlie the analytical chapters in Part 2, and will be further explored and strengthened by theories and research evidence as different aspects of the response are discussed within each of the four chapters.

Globalization, migration and education

The phenomenon known as globalization, caused by an acceleration of the movement of people, goods or ideas among countries and regions (Coatsworth, 2004; Sherif Trask, 2010), has been much debated but is certainly not new. According to Coatsworth (2004), the most recent cycle of globalization, which still produces large-scale migratory flows, began with the liberalization of international trade after the Second World War. Since then, significant changes have been introduced in the relationships among people as well as among the established links between the diverse communities. One result has been an increasing development of plural societies, characterized by a constant exchange of both goods and people, through the incessant flow of population between countries and continents.

Immigration is a universal experience, part of the human condition and history, and it has even been suggested that there is no nation prior to migration and that cultural cohesion of uniform groups is an imagined notion in any context (historically or geographically) (Vertovec, 2011). Globalization, however, has speeded up and facilitated the process of migration (Sherif Trask, 2010) with the result that, in recent decades, the massive displacement of populations has intensified, raising issues around the crossing of borders, both literal and virtual.¹ Forced migration and migration by those who decide to leave their country to find their place in other societies has been documented in historical records around the world. Winder, for example, looks back at the ‘cosmopolitan ancestry’ of the British (Winder, 2004, p. x) going back 25,000 years (!) and, although he concedes that migration ‘has never been easy’, he notes that ‘it cannot be conceived of as a single experience’ and that it should be seen as ‘a form of enrichment and renewal’ (Winder, 2004, p. xiii). Despite this, essentialized notions of national cultures have led, in many countries, to the consideration of migration as a threat (Vertovec, 2011).

Ideological perceptions of migrants, reinforced by political and economic messages, continue to influence these policies of reception. These perceptions often ignore that, for the most part, the host country benefits from immigrants both in terms of ‘filling labour needs at different levels of the economy and, more important, injecting into society the energies, ambitions, and skills of positively selected groups’ (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996, p. 26). Terminology also has an effect, as the word ‘immigrant’ has become linked to ‘illegal’ and other criminalized and derogatory terms and these labels can influence the orientation of a society’s response to new arrivals. Some scholars prefer the concept of ‘diaspora’ over ‘immigration’ because it offers more positive ways of thinking, moving away from expectations of racial and cultural erasure involved in the process and instead creating something new as they reconstruct themselves and their culture.

As a consequence of evolving perspectives and policies, host countries have adopted diverse models of reception. Generally, the first proposals to address this issue were based on the notion of ‘assimilation’ or ‘acculturation’, which imply a total identification of the immigrants with the host culture (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996; Rama, 1987). A consequence of such expectations was the ‘disappearance’ or abandoning of the original culture. As the number of immigrants increased, later models tended towards the process of ‘integration’ and policies were developed that involved ‘assimilation’ in the public sphere together with a respect for diversity in the private context. Currently, immigration policies tend to opt for host models of ‘accommodation’, which affirm and recognize, at a public level, the cultural characteristics of each migrant group (Colomer, 2012). Another model is that of ‘transculturation’, defined by Bueno as:

a cultural process that implies transferring cultural content from one culture to another and that involves creatively taking and relating different aspects of different societies and cultures. From this perspective, individuals learn various cultural codes allowing them to build bridges between the many spaces in which they move. (Bueno, 1996, p. 26)

There is now a large body of literature on the topic of migration, which discusses the factors that lead to emigration as well as the implications for those who arrive in a new country – legal, economic, social, cultural and educational, among others. In this section, we can only consider some of the overall factors and implications that have an effect on the contexts in which our inquiry took place, keeping in mind that these contexts all have their differences (and which we will explore in Chapter 2). We will also focus on the impact of migration on children, particularly in the area of education in general, and language and literacy learning in particular.

The causes of migration and the impact on children

The diversity of contemporary migrant populations and situations in terms of origins, contexts of exit, social class background and skills means that ‘immigrants’ cannot be considered as a single group. There are also many differences in terms of their experiences of adaptation and incorporation even within one host country (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996; Winder, 2004). An example of this diversity is the heterogeneous composition of the most recent groups, which can include labour migrants, professionals and entrepreneurs, as well as refugees and asylum seekers. While most of the causes of migration are either socioeconomic or political, there are differences between those usually considered ‘voluntary’ and ‘forced’ migrants.

People become refugees when they feel their home is no longer a safe place and must find an alternative place to live (Haddad, 2008). According to United Nations (2008) estimates, global refugees number around 11.4 million people. Asylum claims between 2008 and 2012 reached 313,540 in the USA, 137,940 in the UK and 16,260 in Spain (UNHCR, 2012). In 2011, claims reflected the conflicts in West Africa and in the Arab world, with rising numbers of asylum seekers from Côte d’Ivoire, Libya and Syria (UNHCR, 2012). The countries of origin of the largest number of claimants were Afghanistan, China and Iraq. Over the years, a great deal has been written about the causes and impact of this phenomenon; however, as Rutter warns, ‘being a refugee is a bureaucratic identity’ (Rutter, 2006, p. 33) and greater awareness of the implications of such a ‘label’ is necessary if the responses of host countries are to really meet migrants’ needs in terms of welfare and education.

From an economic perspective, poverty or the lack of job opportunities in the country of origin force people to cross borders in search of better salaries and a better quality of life. Individual or familial economic benefits can be obtained through the major flows of money and goods between both origin and host countries; however, these benefits are often accompanied by a process of struggle and frustration due to newcomers’ underemployment or social demotion in the host country (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The emotional strain is often compounded by immigrants having left their children behind while they settle and find jobs. On the other hand, because people also make the decision to emigrate because others have done so before them, they can often join family, friends and communities, a situation that can provide emotional, economic and social support, as in the case of Hispanics arriving into established communities in the USA.

Whatever the reasons for migration, the decision will have a powerful impact on families and particularly on children. Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco remind us that ‘the story of today’s immigrants is also a saga of their children: a fascinating and critical – but too often forgotten – chapter of the immigrant experience’ (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001, p. 1). In addition, some researchers argue that ‘children fundamentally shape the nature and course of families’ migration experiences’ (Orellana et al., 2001, p. 587). Children will often undergo long periods of separation from their parents and from their siblings while one or both parents go ahead to try to find jobs or political asylum. Sometimes, the children are sent on their own by desperate parents or attempt to make their own way as they flee from war, gangs or abusive situations; thousands of unaccompanied minors arrive every year to the USA, the UK, Spain, Italy, Australia and other host countries. It is not only the separation or the journey that can affect their physical and emotional wellbeing but also the arrival in a foreign country where they will have to deal with economic, legal and social consequences along with the implications for their ethnic and cultural identities (Salazar Parreñas, 2005; M. Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The support provided for these asylum-seeker children – with or without their families – varies greatly according to the laws and policies of each country. More generally, the ways in which any immigrant child is welcomed will have a crucial role in how they adapt (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001).

In the USA in recent years, family regrouping or reunification has become one of the main reasons for migrating: 80 per cent of immigrant children arrive in a new place in these circumstances (Suárez-Orozco, 2008). However, this process can also be fraught with difficulties and result in the destabilization of the ‘old’ family roles and norms. As children go through this process, they are often subjected to changes in their carers, distancing from their ‘extended family’ and situations where parental authority must be renegotiated as cultural references change in the new environment (Suárez-Orozco, 2008). Even very young children may be forced to assume new and onerous roles and responsibilities, such as acting as interpreters and as mediators of the new social and cultural context. Campano observes that ‘they feel a sense of responsibility not only to their immediate family, but also to networks of kin that extend beyond the immediate neighbourhood to various diaspora communities around the world’ (Campano, 2007, p. 15). The children are also often in charge of keeping the family connected to the country of origin through technology (Orellana et al., 2001).

There are still gaps in the research on the long-term effects of immigration on children’s wellbeing and achievement. Referring to studies from both the USA and Europe, Sherif Trask points out that it is difficult to separate the variables given they range from cultural issues to issues of poverty and discrimination (2010, p. 76). However, while the contexts may differ, to some extent, all children will feel the impact of one or more of the following issues highlighted by Rutter (2003, p. 13) in reference to arrivals to the UK:

•having an interrupted education in the country of origin;

•having horrific experiences in their home countries and during their flight to the UK (for a small number, this affects their ability to settle and rebuild their lives);

•living with families who experience a drop in their standard of living and status in society;

•changing care arrangements: losing parents or usual carers;

•having parents who are emotionally absent;

•living with families who do not know their legal and social rights in the UK, including their rights to basic services such as education and healthcare, and who encounter problems securing education, healthcare or benefits; and

•speaking little or no English on arrival.

Implications for education

One of the most important variables that have an effect on immigrant children as individuals as well as on their future contribution as citizens of their new country is education. M. Suárez-Orozco stresses that ‘Schooling in the era of globalization, arguably more than ever before, profoundly shapes the current and future well-being of children, as well as their chances and opportunities’ (M. Suárez-Orozco, 2001, p. 345) and proposes a new research agenda for the study of immigration and education in this new globalized era, one that is comparative and looks at the key issues of identities and belonging. For example, Rutter (2006) points to an increasing tendency to consider refugee children’s needs more holistically, in a way that emphasizes ‘resilience’ rather than ‘trauma’ and which leads to better support both inside and outside school with an impact on education overall. However, many of the current practices that appear to look at these issues continue to focus on the challenges that diversity brings to the educational system. Some have resulted in ‘ethnic identification’ (Bautista, 1988, cited in Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco, 2001) and further stereotyping, as immigrants are defined and grouped based on their ethnicity and bound to these definitions. The consequences of this social gaze can be the racism, discrimination, physical or ‘symbolic’ violence often present in school (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977).

‘Multiculturalism’, another often-abused term, attempts to deal with the cultural diversity resulting from immigration but has become an empty and contested idea. Too often it is based on a discourse that celebrates difference but does not seek integration, and it ignores the potential of this process for the creation of new cultures. It often leads to diversity being seen as a problem when cultural diversity can, and should, be a resource. Researchers have proposed new terms, such as ‘cosmopolitanism’, ‘critical multiculturalism’ or ‘interculturalism’, among others. For Vertovec, ‘super-diversity’ considers the emergence of ‘post-multicultural perspectives that seek to foster both the recognition of diversity and the maintenance of collective national identities’ (Vertove...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Also Available From Bloomsbury
• Contents
• List of Figure Permissions
• Notes on Contributors
• Foreword, Shaun Tan
• Introduction
• Part 1 Embarking on the Journey
• 1 The Vessel: Theoretical Frameworks and Intersections
• 2 The Passengers: International Contexts and Participants
• 3 The Voyage: The Course of the Inquiry
• Part 2 Navigating the Interpretive Process
• 4 Reclaiming the Migrant Experience
• 5 Making Meaning through Retellings and Inferences
• 6 Intertextual Journeys into Intercultural Spaces
• 7 Engaging with the Visual Affordances of The Arrival
• Part 3 Mediation and Pedagogy: Transforming Literacy Learning and Teaching
• 8 Fostering a Community: Mediation that Supports Learning
• 9 Looking Together: Image-based Strategies for Inclusive Pedagogy
• Coda: A (Visual) Journey to Italy
• Conclusion: Arriving and the Journey Ahead
• Appendix: List of Participant Children
• Bibliography
• Index
• Copyright