The Ages of Faith

Popular Religion in Late Medieval England and Western Europe

Norman Tanner

• Publisher: I.B. Tauris
• Year: 2008
• ISBN:
  9780857738998
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Christianity

Christianity in the later Middle Ages was flourishing, popular and vibrant and the institutional church was generally popular - in stark contrast to the picture of corruption and decline painted by the later Reformers which persists even today. Norman Tanner, the pre-eminent historian of the later medieval church, provides a rich and authoritative history of religion in this pivotal period. Despite signs of turbulence and demands for reform, he demonstrates that the church remained powerful, self-confident and deeply rooted. Weaving together key themes of religious history - the Christian roots of Europe; the crusades; the problematic question of the Inquisition; the relationship between the church and secular state; the central role of monasticism; and, the independence of the English church - "The Ages of Faith" is an impressive tribute to a lifetime's research into this subject. But to many readers the central fascination of "The Ages of Faith" will be its perceptive insights into popular and individual spiritual experience: sin, piety, penance, heresy, the role of the mystics and even 'making merry'.
"The Ages of Faith" is a major contribution to the Reformation debate and offers a revealing vision of individual and popular religion in an important period so long obscured by the drama of the Reformation.

CHAPTER 1

Medieval Crusade Decrees and Ignatius’s Meditation on the Kingdom

In recent years a number of writers have noted the influence of medieval crusades upon the spirituality of Ignatius of Loyola.¹ Undoubtedly they have made an important contribution to our understanding of his medieval background. Nevertheless their remarks have remained at a fairly general level. That is to say, they have found it difficult to specify the precise nature of the connection: to say whether, as Wolter remarks, certain elements in Ignatius’s spirituality truly derived from the medieval crusade ideal or rather represent other ‘elements . . . in the mainstream of traditional Christian spirituality’, reaching him ‘through other channels (monastic, Franciscan, or those of the Devotio Moderna)’,² and secondly to specify, in so far as the influence of the crusades did exist, upon which aspects of this tradition it rested.

Let me begin by outlining briefly their conclusions, and those of other historians, so far. First and most obviously, there is no doubt about the importance of crusades in the medieval West. In the late Middle Ages and the sixteenth century, moreover, the original aim of the expeditions – the recapture of Jerusalem and the Holy Land – remained a strong motive force, even though the realization of this military objective became increasingly unlikely, so that in practice crusades often took on other forms, such as the defence of Christendom from further Muslim advances, or wars against heretics within Christendom, or even were interiorized and spiritualized into pilgrimages to shrines or into ‘journeys of the soul’. Secondly there were two factors which gave special significance to crusades in the Spain of Ignatius’s lifetime, namely: the centuries-long war to expel Muslims from the Iberian peninsula which reached its culmination with the capture in 1492 of Granada, the last Muslim stronghold; and ‘the spirit of a world-wide crusade’ which resulted from Charles V’s empire in Europe as well as from Spain’s leading role in the discovery of the New World.³ Thirdly, it was not just the element of ‘conquest for Christ’ that was involved in these various enterprises; there was also the relationship between leader and followers, a particular development of what may loosely be called the feudal relationship between a lord and his vassals.⁴ Finally, there are Ignatius’s more personal involvements in crusades. Thus one of his brothers met his death in the Spanish Conquista of America, another (or a cousin?) on crusade against the Turks in Hungary.⁵ We know that Ignatius interested himself in the emperor Charles V’s campaign in Africa to the extent of offering a plan for the fleet to his viceroy in Sicily, Juan de Vega.⁶ There is his explicit approval of ‘Crusade bulls’ in his ‘Rules for Thinking with the Church’ in the Spiritual Exercises; his eagerness to visit the Holy Land, especially Jerusalem;⁷ and so on.

It has proved difficult, nevertheless, to make more precise the connection between these background influences and Ignatius’s thought, to point to particular sources which may have shaped his ideas. Thus Wolter argued on the one hand that, ‘For an understanding of the genesis and nature of Ignatian spirituality a study of crusade spirituality as it existed in the West, especially on the Iberian peninsula, from early days right up to the days of Ignatius, is indispensable.’⁸ But on the other hand he admitted the difficulties in finding documentary proof for his argument⁹ and, as mentioned, in showing that various elements in Ignatius’s spirituality derived from the crusade ideal rather than from other sources. So he had to conclude: ‘We shall not be able to say any more than that an influence from the crusade spirituality is ascertainable . . . It is, so to speak, an influence from the climate of the times.’¹⁰ It may well be, indeed, that in this matter the general ethos was more important for Ignatius than any written sources. After all, crusades were campaigns undertaken and experiences undergone, not books written, and the memory of them was handed down orally as much as through documentary evidence. Nevertheless it is surely right to look at the written sources, to investigate whether they may have been read by Ignatius or known to various people who influenced him, thus constituting either a direct or an indirect influence upon him.

The purpose of this article is to examine one particular class of documentary evidence relating to the crusades, namely the seven crusade decrees which were issued by the general councils of the Western Church during the Middle Ages,¹¹ in order to see whether they constitute a possible source for Ignatius’s spirituality. I have been looking at these conciliar texts rather closely in my recent work as editor of the English edition of the decrees of the ecumenical councils¹² and it has become clear to me that the parallels – as regards both general ethos and specific concepts and phraseology – between some of the decrees on the one hand and the spiritual vision of Ignatius on the other, especially as expressed in his meditation on the Kingdom in the Spiritual Exercises, are sufficiently striking to be worth bringing to public notice. As far as I am aware, these parallels have not been commented upon in detail before. Wolter noted one of the speeches made at Lateran V in 1513,¹³ but he did not go on to examine the decrees of the council, nor did he look in detail at the crusade decrees of other medieval general councils. With other writers the references to conciliar texts are even more general.

There are two obvious gaps in my argument. First, I am unable to say precisely how likely it is that Ignatius read the crusade decrees or knew about them in any detail. Secondly, I find it hard to estimate the likelihood that those who influenced him read or knew about them. In these important matters I have little to add to what other writers on Ignatius’s education and formation have already said.

Regarding the first question, there appears to be no particular likelihood that Ignatius would have encountered the decrees as part of his philosophical and theological studies at Paris university between 1528 and 1535, according to the outline of his studies presented to us by Villoslada, Rouquette, Schurhammer, Dalmases and Farge.¹⁴ Moreover, if the text of the Kingdom meditation was essentially in place by 1528, as seems most probable, this would antedate his studies in Paris, though it remains possible that some of the phraseology of the meditation was finalized during his time in that city.¹⁵ As for his earlier studies in Spain, again there seems no particular likelihood that he would have encountered the decrees as part of the formal curriculum.¹⁶ But the question remains whether he might have looked at them outside his formal studies, either in Spain or in Paris. This possibility should not be discounted too easily, I think, especially since Ignatius evidently possessed an inquiring mind, but it depends to a considerable extent on how widespread among educated people knowledge of the decrees was and whether he knew them from an earlier date.

With regard to Ignatius’s earlier life as a courtier, soldier and religious convert, the place of the crusades seems much more obvious as part of the general background of his life, as I mentioned earlier. It may well be that the influence remained at the level of general ethos and of chivalric and pious literature, without ever reaching detailed knowledge of crusade decrees. Thus, as far as I am aware, the decrees were not contained, or even mentioned, in any of the books which Ignatius is known to have read during these years. Nevertheless it is possible that he came across them at some stage, especially during his dozen years as a member of the household of Juan Velázquez de Cuellar, the chief treasurer of Castile, who possessed a good library and whose position at the Spanish court would have brought him, and therefore to some extent Ignatius, into contact with ecclesiastical affairs both national and international.¹⁷ If Ignatius knew them from this time, it seems likely that he would have looked at them again during his years of study.

The second gap concerns the likelihood that various ecclesiastics, teachers and others who influenced Ignatius may have read or known about the decrees. Extending the points which I have just made about Ignatius’s own education, it appears unlikely that they would have encountered them within their official curriculum of studies at a university. Particularly relevant here is the fact that the Corpus Iuris Canonici, which formed the basis of university teaching in canon law and which contained many decrees of general councils, did not include the crusade decrees.¹⁸ But would such persons have come across them outside the official curriculum? In other words, how well known were these decrees – to what extent did they form part of the general knowledge of educated people of the time? The answer to this question obviously has an important bearing on the likelihood that Ignatius himself knew about them outside his university studies, since he gradually became a well-educated man. The question, however, has not yet been adequately treated by any writer and I can only offer a few indications. As I have just mentioned, the Corpus Iuris Canonici, which was widely known even by those who were not professional canon lawyers, did not include the crusade decrees. With regard to their appearance in printed collections of conciliar decrees, those of Lateran V (1512–17) first appeared in 1521, in Rome,¹⁹ but the possibly more significant one of Lateran IV (1215) not until 1538,²⁰ and the others at later dates.²¹ As far as I am aware, moreover, they did not appear in other printed works earlier than those dates. Nevertheless we are speaking of texts which, as decrees of general councils, were of major importance and which, for the most part, are known to have had quite a wide circulation in manuscript form.²² For these reasons it does not seem fanciful to suggest that they were probably known to at least some people who influenced Ignatius and quite possibly also to Ignatius himself.

To turn now to the crusade decrees themselves, the first of the seven is canon 10 of Lateran I, which was held in 1123.²³ It is a brief statement of encouragement and protection for those who help towards the defence of Jerusalem. It does not contain noticeable parallels with Ignatius’s thought. The second, and most important, is decree 71 of Lateran IV in 1215.²⁴ This is a long and very full decree in preparation for the Fifth Crusade, which set out in 1217. It is specially significant for our purposes, partly because it contains the most striking similarities with ideas expressed by Ignatius and partly because it had a large influence upon the crusade decrees of subsequent general councils. Thus the next two decrees in question, constitutions II.5 of Lyons I in 1245 and I.1 of Lyons II in 1274,²⁵ borrow extensively from the Lateran IV decree and indeed frequently quote from it word for word. However, they add nothing to the latter as regards specific parallels with Ignatius’s ideas. The fifth decree, which comes from the council of Vienne and is dated 1 December 1312,²⁶ is more independent of the Lateran IV decree than are those of Lyons I and II but it too does not provide any further detailed parallels with Ignatius’s thought. The last two decrees come from Lateran V. The first was issued at the ninth session on 5 May 1514, and in the final decree of the council, which was passed at the twelfth and last session on 16 March 1517, there was a further substantial passage on the proposed crusade.²⁷ These two decrees are of course contemporaneous with Ignatius’s lifetime, a few years before he was wounded at the siege of Pampluna in 1521 and underwent his religious conversion. Their proximity to the composition of the Spiritual Exercises makes them of considerable interest, but their specific similarities with Ignatius’s thought are less striking than are those of the Lateran IV decree. It should also be noted that Lateran V was a relatively low-key council. It was called largely to outmanoeuvre the French-inspired anti-papal council which assembled at Pisa in 1511. Its results were slender and it never enjoyed the widespread reputation of Lateran IV or Lyons I and II or, later, the council of Trent. For these reasons the Lateran IV decree may well have had more influence upon Ignatius than the two decrees of Lateran V.

At this point I want to substantiate my arguments by quoting at length, in English translation, the relevant sections of the following three texts: (a) Ignatius’s meditation on the Kingdom in the Spiritual Exercises; (b) Decree 71 of Lateran IV (italicized text, followed by numerals 1–7 in square brackets, indicate the seven); (c) the final decree of Lateran V.

(a) Ignatius’s Meditation on the Kingdom in the Spiritual Exercises

I imagine a temporal king, chosen by our Lord God, revered and obeyed by the rulers and all the common people of Christendom.

See how this king addresses all his followers, saying: I am determined to bring under my control the entire land of the unbeliever. Anyone, then, who wishes to join me must be satisfied to eat the food I eat, to drink what I drink, to dress as I dress; by day he will have to work alongside me, and take his turn with me at keeping a look-out by night; there will be other such things. But his share in my triumph will be proportionate to his share in my hardships.

Think what response loyal subjects must make to a king so generous and so understanding: equally, were one to refuse the appeal of such a king, how he would incur the reprobation of all people and be regarded as a disgraceful coward.

The second part of this exercise consists in relating this illustration of the earthly king to Christ our Lord, point for point.

If we cannot ignore such a challenge, issued to his followers by an earthly king, how much more worthy of our attention is that of Christ our Lord, the Eternal King, as he confronts the whole world: to each and all He issues His summons in these words: I am determined to bring under my control the whole world and all my enemies, and so to come to the glory of my Father. To anyone, then, who chooses to join me, I offer nothing but a share in my hardships; but if he follows me in suffering he will assuredly follow me in glory.

We realize that anyone possessed of right reason will offer himself totally for the task.²⁸

(b) Decree 71 of Lateran IV

Expedition for the Recovery of the Holy Land

It is our [i.e., Pope Innocent III’s] ardent desire to liberate the Holy Land from infidel hands [1]. We therefore declare, with the approval of this sacred council and on the advice of prudent men who are fully aware of the circumstances of time and place, that crusaders are to make themselves ready so that all who have arranged to go by sea shall assemble in the kingdom of Sicily on 1 June after next: some as necessary and fitting at Brindisi and others at Messina and places neighbouring it on either side, where we too have arranged to be in person at that time, God willing, so that with our advice and help the Christian army may be in good order to set out with divine and apostolic blessing. Those who have decided to go by land should also take care to be ready by the same date. They shall notify us meanwhile so that we may grant them a suitable legate ‘a latere’ for advice and help. Priests and other clerics who will be in the Christian army, both those under authority and prelates, shall diligently devote themselves to prayer and exhortation, teaching the crusaders by word and example to have the fear and love of God always before their eyes, so that they say or do nothing that might offend the Divine Majesty [2]. If they ever fall into sin, let them quickly rise up again through true penitence [3]. Let them be humble in heart and in body, keeping to moderation both in food and in dress [4], avoiding altogether dissensions and rivalries, a...

Table of contents

• Cover
• About the Author
• INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF HISTORICAL STUDIES
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Introduction
• 1 Medieval Crusade Decrees and Ignatius’s Meditation on the Kingdom
• 2 Reception of the First Seven Ecumenical Councils by Medieval and Later General Councils of the Western Church
• 3 Pastoral Care: The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215
• 4 The Council of Florence, 1439–45
• 5 The Council of Trent, 1545–63
• 6 The Reformation and Regionalism: Further Reflections on the Church in Late Medieval Norwich
• 7 Religious Practice in Norwich
• Religious institutions in Norwich 1370–1532
• 8 Sources for Popular Religion in Late Medieval England
• 9 Penances Imposed on Kentish Lollards by Archbishop Warham, 1511–12
• 10 Crying ‘God for Harry! England and St George!’
• 11 The Study of English Medieval Recluses in the Twentieth Century
• 12 Canon Law in England, Hermits and Anchorites, Popular Religion
• 13 Piety in the Later Middle Ages in England
• 14 Private Life and the Middle Ages
• 15 Medieval Christendom and the Restoration of a Christian Society
• 16 Do North Americans Understand the Middle Ages Better than Europeans?
• 17 Sin in the Middle Ages
• 18 Making Merry in the Middle Ages
• 19 Christianity vs ‘Paganism’? Reflections on Medieval Europe
• 20 Inquisition and Holy Office
• Notes
• The Mediterranean World 300–1600
• Loyalties during the Papal Schism 1378–1417