God and Mammon

Adventures of American Money

Lance Morrow

• Publisher: Encounter Books
• ISBN:
  9781641770972
• Topic: Volkswirtschaftslehre
• Subtopic: Wirtschaftsgeschichte

This book is a history of money in America and a discussion of its moral, political, and theological significance from the time of Daniel Defoe and Cotton Mather to the present.

1

Thales of Miletus, the pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, astronomer, and mathematician, conceived that the earth is a flat disk floating on an infinite sea, and that the beginning of all things was water.

His student Anaximenes disagreed. He said the beginning of all things was air.

How did America begin? What was its primordial element?

I think it was money.

It was the desire for money. Money, broadly speaking, has been the logic of America: its mystique and raison d’être. It was the hope of money—the fantasy of it, the greed for it—that drew Europeans across the water. It was the ambition for money that sustained America and made it the richest and most powerful among the nations of the earth—although not the happiest. It was in the pursuit of money that Europeans—and other immigrants who followed on—subdued and overwhelmed the earlier continent and superimposed the America that we see now.

And it was because of money—exorbitant taxation—that the American colonists rebelled and demanded independence.

Money is an indelicate explanation of America, perhaps, but the truest one—or, anyway, the most intelligent starting point.

Other forces were at work as well—religious motives touched here and there by fanaticism; Bible stories still resonant, not yet obscure; remnants of Greece and Rome; the Enlightenment; ethnic traditions, darker tribal urges; geography, vast spaces opening westward; climate, which was on the whole seasonal, familiar, and nicely middling; firearms; technology; alcohol; the genius for tinkering.

But money, for better or worse, was the American protagonist, center stage—hero or villain. By and by, you had the Malefactors of Great Wealth and Horatio Alger’s beamish boys. Race and religion—though each of them was very powerful, with deeper resonances than anything so crass and disreputable as money—were supporting actors. Wealth was the American star.

Money was not, technically, everything. But it was a great deal.

For the sake of simplicity—and for the sake of entertainment, too, since money is an entertaining subject—I’d like to suspend complexity and reduce everything, for a moment, to this one fundamental: money as the American thing.

Alexis de Tocqueville is my witness: “One usually finds that love of money is either the chief or a secondary motive at the bottom of everything the Americans do…. It agitates their minds but disciplines their lives.”

Money became freedom’s business partner, the demiurge of the entrepreneurial middle class that founded the country. Money was the American Shinto.

The New World was, in the words of another Frenchman, Hector Saint John de Crèvecoeur, “une feuille blanche,” or a blank page—a fresh beginning of history, a story liberated from the old world’s plot-lines, the worn grooves of centuries. The Puritans came on “an errand into the wilderness”—a religious mission—but soon they set about clearing that wilderness, chopping down trees and selling the timber, and planting wheat, and digging for coal and iron and copper and silver and gold, and putting in railroads and great cities. Money took over as the organizing principle—not religion or birth, class or custom. Money found its apotheosis.

The country was abundant, hospitable, dangerous, and usually heartless—just as money is inclined to be: ruthless until it develops a conscience and goes in for Improvement. Crèvecoeur’s New Man had unprecedented mobility. The newcomer might shed the old self and disappear into America and grow a new self. The New World was far enough away to sever the ties with Europe’s still feudalistic restrictions. Money became the idiom of freedom and its partner, rapacity. It’s here that we encounter the paradox of the freedom to enslave. The signature American melodrama of race originated in money—in the economics of sugar, molasses, rice, tobacco, indigo, cotton, and kidnapped black African labor.

That labor—referring to the African slaves—became an object, became property and commodity, and even became a medium of exchange. An entry in Encyclopaedia Britannica would report: “Scores, perhaps hundreds of different objects have served as money at one time or another, including such things as slaves, gunpowder and the jawbones of pigs.” Objects! Such things! The three mediums of exchange seemed to summarize an underthread of American history: slaves, gunpowder, the jawbones of pigs.

The booster spoke of “the fruited plain.” The bitter realist said, “Root, hog, or die.” The elegiac intellectual turned away from the spectacle in disgust.

You can’t go wrong, in any case, if you think about America in terms of binaries, twins—contradictions that collaborate in the national scheme of things, like positive and negative charges of electricity. America was always to have an aspect of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, of God and Mammon, of innocence and sin.

This study approaches the partnership of God and Mammon in both its historical and contemporary dimensions—on the vertical and the horizontal axes, as it were. The vertical axis is American history. The horizontal axis follows events in the extraordinary year 2020. The two dimensions take turns in the narrative.

The triumphs of American money have been great. I talk also about its failures and limitations—and about values that lie beyond money’s capacity to measure, meanings that cannot be grasped in money’s language.

And the book is about a theological error—an evil, slavery—introduced an eon ago, when America was a garden, and about how to evaluate that long-ago sin and its effect upon the country now.

In 2020, in the midst of a pandemic, America would accuse itself bitterly on the subject of race—would beat its breast in paroxysms of self-hatred, of ostentatious remorse.

We encounter more binaries.

What if the narrative of a sinful and uniquely racist 21st-century America was wrong? Is it not a fallacy and a wild exaggeration—Fake News—to proceed on the premise that the lives of black Americans of the 21st century are indistinguishable in their afflictions from the lives of their great-great-great-great-great-grandparents? Has not America, over many years, succeeded in helping African Americans to achieve what are—by any standard in any country in the world—remarkable levels of prosperity, education, citizenship, and political power? What if the paroxysms of 2020 represent not truth telling but error? What if they amount merely to a wanton assault upon the country at a moment when it is suffering and vulnerable?

In 1702, Cotton Mather preached that the Christian must row to heaven with two oars—the oar of his spiritual calling and the oar of his material calling. If he pulls on only one of them, the boat goes in circles and the Christian can never reach the safe harbor of salvation.

The idea of the two oars, accommodating Puritan theology to commercial practice, would eventually become the national doctrine. It was not enough for Americans to do well; in theory, they must also do good, and be good. By “be good,” I do not mean merely that they must behave themselves; I mean that they must strive to be virtuous in the demanding sight of God. They must justify America’s great fortune—and find some deeper purpose for it.

American Virtue would ask: “But what of race? Can a people be good if they enslave fellow creatures who are fashioned in the image of God and share in the divinity bestowed on the slave owner—or three-fifths of it, anyway? Could the slave owners ever have been virtuous? Did God look the other way while this was going on? Did his justice sleep? If America was so good, how could it be so evil?”

Mammon would look up in irritation and reply: “That was all a long time ago. Things happened between then and now—a Civil War, for example, and the thorough and transforming civil rights acts of the 1960s. Anyway, to be less parochial in our perspective, slavery has been around, in most parts of the world, forever—since the beginning of human cruelty and greed and power. Beware of sanctimony. If you wish to speak about Africa, catching people and holding them in brutal servitude was the way of the chiefs long before the white man came. Beware of naïve perfectionism. Beware of anachronism, of self-righteousness. Beware of getting drunk on indignation. There’s a good fellow.”

Cotton Mather published his Magnalia Christi Americana [Christ’s Great Deeds in America]: The Ecclesiastical History of New-England from Its First Planting in the Year 1620, until the Year of Our Lord 1698. He traced the rapid evolution of New England from the austere and punitive piety of the first settlement to middle-class prosperity and the beginnings of American abundance, with a glimpse, farther off on the horizon, of the fortunes that would emerge, for example, from whaling and the China trade.

Mather fretted that money had already gotten the upper hand. He wrote: “Religion brought forth prosperity, and the daughter destroyed the mother…. [T]here is danger lest the enchantments of this world make [the colonists] forget their errand into the wilderness.”

But Mather committed the matricide that he condemned. He rhapsodized about the American profusion—as evidence of God’s grace and ingenuity—and yet captured and assigned a price, for example, to the innumerable passenger pigeons that profligate Americans would, in time, cause to become extinct:

I will add a Curiosity relating to the Pidgeons, which annually visit my own Country in their seasons, in such incredible numbers, that they have commonly been sold for Two-pence a dozen; yea, one Man has at one time surprized no less than two hundred dozen in his Barn, into which they have come for Food, and by shutting the door, he has had them all.

And so it came to pass. The daughter slew the mother. The enchantment of money overpowered religious zeal, gentrified it, and confined it to the Sabbath—ceding to piety one-seventh of the week and giving over the other days to Mammon.

The riches of America in this world would outshine the promised glory of the next. The busy, gaudy, dangerous actuality of America, once it got its economy organized, would prove more absorbing than the promise of eternity. Here was the secularized fulfillment of God’s promise, the rainbow and the pot of gold at the end of it. Boastful, prideful America would learn to think of itself as the next best thing to heaven—eschatology without doom.

Money—being so flexible and adaptable to all particular needs and stories—was the star of the promise and the vehicle of its fulfillment. In 1925, President Calvin Coolidge, whose ancestors included passengers on the Mayflower and defendants in the Salem witch trials, told the National Association of Newspaper Editors: “After all, the chief business of the American people is business. They are profoundly concerned with producing, buying, selling, investing and prospering in the world.”

So it was that money—working soft, seductive erosions, caressing the original theology—would resolve the estrangement between Calvinism and the Enlightenment. The American prosperity would, in time, bring forth Thomas Jefferson’s spacious trinity “Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Jonathan Edward’s “angry God” ascended into the upper air of Deism—in the same way, as it were, that in India’s hot months the British Raj withdrew to cool itself in the foothills of the Himalayas, at Simla.

Happiness could be simplified to mean money and what it could buy. It was assumed that life and liberty would, in the natural course of things, lead on to happiness. Money—although a temperamental thing, subject to violent mood swings—was the energy on which the American Dream would proceed down the years. Money and the Constitution were the two indispensable tools in the advance of American civilization.

By the time the Christian urgencies waned and America became more diverse and secular, the pretension to virtue had embedded itself as an item of national pride and patriotic vanity, even as the process of money-getting continued in its eager, acquisitive, and Mammonish ways. This went on until, in the Gilded Age after the Civil War, money performed a garish mutation and became colossal. America commenced being a superpower.

Whatever its worldly guise, the essence of the American idea remained very much as it was in Cotton Mather’s image of two oars: to reconcile God and Mammon—even to set them up as partners in the rowing toward heaven. Alter the metaphor: Church and state may have been legally separated by the First Amendment, but virtue and money have had a long, quarrelsome, indissoluble marriage, so to speak—one marked by hypocrisy, chronic infidelity, and, at the same time, some remarkably admirable results.

Money—I mean, inequality as to who has money and who does not—became one of the country’s two permanent moral dilemmas. The other is race. The two conundrums were bound up with each other. Some of the great fortunes emerged from the slave trade. Newport, Rhode Island, with its magnificent “cottages” of the rich of the Gilded Age, was in an earlier time founded, to a significant degree, by money earned in the African slave trade. Balzac wrote in Pére Goriot: “Le secret des grandes fortunes sans cause apparente est un crime oublié, parce qu’il a été proprement fait.” The thought would be rendered more simply thus: “Behind every great fortune, there is a great crime.”

The descendants of slaves were among the poorest, the ones without money. There was always trouble when Americans tried to reconcile their materialism with their theology. I will write about the Brown brothers, Moses and John, of the wealthy Rhode Island merchant family who gave its name to Brown University. Moses was an abolitionist. John was active in the African slave trade. Somehow the two brothers managed to remain brotherly and proceed with their enterprises, even as they conducted one of the earliest and bitterest of arguments about whether American virtue could be squared with the buying and selling of human beings.

Race in America began as a drama of money, originating in the economics of cotton, tobacco, sugar, rum, and the Middle Passage.

A key American story, Huckleberry Finn, contains this sardonic riff: The runaway Jim has a happy moment when he reasons that, as a slave, he would fetch $800 on the market, and, in consequence, being now fled from bondage and at liberty, he will be a rich man! He rejoices to find that he is worth $800.

American history here and there indulges in a sly play of coincidences. We find two antithetical John Browns in the American scheme, for example—the slave merchant of Providence and his antiself, the wild abolitionist martyr of Harper’s Ferry. In 1954, Earl Warren’s Supreme Court would end—or try to end—the racial segregation of American public schools in its ruling in Brown v. Board of Education. And there was the Brown Brothers’ slave ship called Sally, which made a disastrous voyage to the Windward Coast of Africa in 1764 (more than half the slaves perished in the Middle Passage, some of them killed in an abortive rebellion on the high seas) that would precipitate the tremendous moral debate between the slaver John Brown and the abolitionist Moses Brown—God and Mammon wrestling each other for years in the New England conscience. The slave ship Sally would become a sort of premonition of Sally Hemings, the half-sister of Thomas Jefferson’s dead wife, Martha—Sally was one of Jefferson’s ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Chapter 1
• Chapter 2
• Chapter 3
• Chapter 4
• Chapter 5
• Chapter 6
• Chapter 7
• Chapter 8
• Chapter 9
• Chapter 10
• Chapter 11
• Chapter 12
• Chapter 13
• Chapter 14
• Chapter 15
• Chapter 16
• Chapter 17
• Chapter 18
• Chapter 19
• Chapter 20
• Chapter 21
• Chapter 22
• Chapter 23
• Chapter 24
• Epilogue
• Acknowledgments