Vox Popular
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Vox Popular

The Surprising Life of Language in the Media

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eBook - ePub

Vox Popular

The Surprising Life of Language in the Media

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About This Book

Our favorite movies and TV shows feature indelible characters who tell us about themselves not just in what they say but in how they say it. The creative decisions behind these voicesā€”such as what accent or dialect to useā€”offer rich data for sociolinguistic study. Ideal for students of language variation as well as general readers interested in media, Vox Popular is an engaging tour through the major issues of sociolinguistic study as heard in the voices from mass media.

ā€¢Provides readers with a unified and accessible picture of the interrelationships between language variation and the mass media

ā€¢ Presents detailed original analyses of multiple audiovisual media sources

ā€¢Includes a broad methods chapter covering quantitative and qualitative methods in a style not available in any other textbook

ā€¢ All theoretical terms are accessibly explained, with engaging examples, making it suitable for non-academics as well as undergraduate students

ā€¢Incorporates pedagogical textboxes throughout and includes sections dedicated to developing practical skills for the field

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Information

Year
2014
ISBN
9781118991350
Edition
1

Chapter 1
Language in a Mediated World

Mad Men in a Modern Family World

On November 7, 2012, the political commentator Matthew Dowd said that the GOP had become ā€œa Mad Men party in a Modern Family world.ā€ His comment was meant to partially explain the reelection of Barack Obama; however, when I heard it I was struck by his use of two popular television shows as the metaphorical representation for that morningā€™s political reality. The fact that his comment was repeated frequently and posted to social media venues like Facebook and Twitter illustrates its resonance. What he seemed to mean with the first part was that the GOP was living in, and appealing to, a past in which the leaders of the party were the same kinds of white, upper-class, men in their thirties, forties, and fifties depicted as the main characters in the series Mad Men (2007ā€“2015), a show set in a 1960s Manhattan advertising agency and renowned for its realistic connection to a specific time and place but as seen through an early twenty-first-century set of eyes. The show also captures the start of the transition in the United States from post-World War II sensibilities about the homogeneity of political and social life to a seemingly messier engagement with heterogeneity.
Dowd contrasts the world of Mad Men with the one that is presumably more centrally located in 2012, namely the diverse suburban California world inhabited by the extended family depicted in Modern Family (2009ā€“ ). On Modern Family, the social hierarchies are transparently unstable, shifting as scenes and relationships change. It is never entirely clear who, if anyone, is ā€œin charge,ā€ and as Gina Bellafante (2013) notes about the show, it ā€œ[mainstreams] the various and sweeping changes in domestic life.ā€ Modern Family captures the contemporary outcomes of many of the nascent changes caught by Mad Men. Through its lens, the focus of attention shifts from a political, public, and domestic life that was idealized as homogenous to one that celebrates its diversity.
Of further interest in this analogy is the fact that Mad Men is a modern testament to historical detail and to capturing a feel of a time, while also critiquing that very time and many of the values and personal qualities the characters of the show hold as dear and inevitable. Itā€™s by design that the kings of Mad Men are womanizers and that the few people of color who populate their world rise no higher in the social hierarchy than the hired help. On the other hand, Modern Family presents an idealized view of the modern suburban United States and captures a feel of the early part of the twenty-first century. The show attempts to portray the messiness of difference. At the same time, the show celebrates the power of things that are shared, like family connections, shared histories, love. Like Mad Men, Modern Family is visually of its time, with a deep embedding of electronic forms of communication and ā€œmockumentaryā€ moments in which characters let the audience in on their true feelings even if they donā€™t actually share those feelings with the other characters.
While neither show is specifically about language (and, in fact, few media products ever are), language is of course an inextricable component of both shows and helps to sustain the general settings, the internal consistency of the characters, and the unfolding of both the broad and the narrow narrative arcs. Language can function this way primarily because of what linguists refer to as variation, by which they broadly mean alternative ways of using grammar, of pronouncing vowels and consonants, of structuring conversations, and of selecting particular words over other similar words. The Mad Men and their families are mostly not the New Yorkers depicted in films like the Midnight Cowboy (1969) or shows like All in the Family (1971ā€“1979) ā€“ audiovisual products set in roughly the same time period in the Manhattan of the 1960s and 1970s. They are not Taxi Drivers or George Jeffersons. They speak in ways that provide consistency for their characters as ā€œmasters of their own destiny.ā€ They use Standard American English and the general linguistic style that modern audiences associate with aristocrats and the Golden Age of film and television. They use a formal style no matter the situations in which they find themselves. As John McWhorter (2009) writes:
More generally, however, the writers at Mad Men seem to have an idea that in the early sixties, people spoke more ā€œproperlyā€ than they do now. And they did, in formal and public settings. Until the late sixties, there was a sense that language was to be cosseted and dressed up in public in the same way that one wore deodorant. Think of the old gesture of clearing your throat before Making a Speech, the speech having been carefully written out and practiced, as opposed to today when we prefer looser ā€œtalks.ā€
This same style is interestingly echoed in Modern Family in the character of Manny, the half-grown son of the one non-native English speaker in the cast of characters. Mannyā€™s speech style is extremely formal in virtually all settings and contrasts directly with the much more casual style of most of the other characters. Each of the characters is a recognizable type and their language supports their typification: for example, the spacey, shallow teenage girl; the brainy, nerdy teenage girl; the sexy Colombian wife and mother; the geeky, gadget-obsessed white dad who tries too hard to be cool; the flamboyant gay uncle; and, yes, even a gruff, old, white master of the universe in the familyā€™s patriarch. While all the characters save the non-native speaker of English use more or less Standard English, just like the characters in Mad Men, it is a Standard English that relies on variation to help distinguish the characters from one another. The older teenage daughter peppers her lines with ā€˜likeā€™; the goofy younger son says ā€˜dude,ā€™ as does his trying-to-stay-hip father. One of the gay uncles uses extremely precise color terminology, and both uncles are masters of snark.
Even though Modern Family and Mad Men differ in fundamental ways, their similarities as contemporary media products make them available as metaphorical reference points. While Matthew Dowdā€™s quote was a comment on politics, it also serves as a useful illustration of why Iā€™ve written this book. People use media broadly as a way of understanding, organizing, and categorizing their experiences. Matthew Dowd could have made his critique, as many others did, based on some of the actual political events and players, but doing so would have missed the nuance and creativity that the juxtaposition between Mad Men and Modern Family specifically highlighted. For as much as the facts of our actual...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Series page
  3. Title page
  4. Copyright page
  5. Preface and Acknowledgments
  6. A Note on the Linguistic Conventions Used in Vox Popular
  7. Keywords Found in Each Chapter
  8. Chapter 1: Language in a Mediated World
  9. Chapter 2: Exploring Language and Language Variation
  10. Chapter 3: Studying Language Variation in the Media
  11. Chapter 4: Dimensions of Variation
  12. Chapter 5: Making Language Variation Meaningful
  13. Chapter 6: Language Variation and Characterization
  14. Chapter 7: Language as Narrative Action
  15. Chapter 8: Connecting to the Audience
  16. Index
  17. End User License Agreement