Jean Piaget

12 Key excerpts on "Jean Piaget"

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  eBook - ePub

  Portraits of Pioneers in Developmental Psychology

  • Wade Pickren, Donald A. Dewsbury, Michael Wertheimer(Authors)
  • 2012(Publication Date)
  • Psychology Press

    (Publisher)

  6

  Jean Piaget:Theorist of the Child’s Mind

  BERNARD C. BEINS

  Ithaca College

  Jean Piaget (b. August 9, 1896, d. September 16, 1980) has had more influence on the study of cognitive development than any other psychologist. As soon as his first books appeared, psychologists recognized the fertility of his ideas, even though those ideas had to make a linguistic journey from French to English, a translatlantic journey from Switzerland to the United States, and a methodological journey from more philosophical to more psychological. Piaget’s theory of cognitive development continues to dominate developmental psychology over 80 years after its introduction.

  Figure 6.1 Jean Piaget. (Courtesy of the Jean Piaget Society. With permission.)

  Piaget’s background mirrored that of the earliest generation of psychologists in his combined focus on the natural sciences and philosophy. Piaget credited his early work in the natural sciences with keeping his focus scientific, but he also maintained a European flavor to his ideas with a greater attachment to philosophy and logic than was common among psychologists in English-speaking countries at the time.

  Even with the shared background, however, Piaget developed his ideas largely independently of mainstream experimental psychology of the 1920s, which was already being led by English-speaking, behaviorally oriented psychologists in the United States. Piaget’s empirical approach was called “clinical,” relying on small samples and attention to children’s verbal statements to provide insights into cognitive processes. This approach was at variance with American psychology in that the latter had moved away from the study of mental processes that featured so prominently in Piaget’s work. In addition, whereas Piaget tended to study small numbers of children, American psychology had moved toward studying groups, averaging out the effect of unusual behaviors that might have been of great interest to Piaget. The few structuralists of Edward Bradford Titchener’s bent who remained active in psychology in Piaget’s early years would not have studied children because of the children’s relatively limited verbal skills. Their inability to report their introspections would have ruled them out as experimental participants.

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  Portraits of Pioneers in Psychology

  Volume III

  • Michael Wertheimer, Gregory A. Kimble(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Psychology Press

    (Publisher)

  Chapter 9 The Legacy of Jean Piaget Edward Zigler Elizabeth Gilman

  It has frequently been asserted that no theoretical framework has had a greater impact on developmental psychology than that of Jean Piaget (Beilin & Pufall, 1992; Flavell, 1996). Using concepts from biology, psychology, philosophy, and mathematics to examine the manner in which children learn about the world, Piaget gave us a remarkably well-articulated and integrated theory of cognitive development. A highly productive worker, he published some 70 books and over 100 articles in psychology. Despite criticisms of the limitations and the lack of objectivity of Piaget’s methods (see e.g., Gopnik, 1996; Lourenco & Machado, 1996), our understanding of children’s intellectual development would never have evolved as it has without his pioneering efforts. Piaget’s theoretical formulations have stimulated a vast amount of research. This chapter, written in the year that marks the 100th anniversary of Piaget’s birth, provides an appropriate occasion for the celebration of his achievements and the deep and continuing influence of his work.

  Piaget’s Early Life and Work

  Jean Piaget was born in the Swiss university community of Neuchatel in 1896. His mother was intelligent and religious and his father was a historian with a special interest in medieval literature. Piaget took up serious scientific pursuits at a youthful age. He showed an early passion for observing nature and a precocious interest in biology and psychology (Brainerd, 1996; Evans, 1973). His interest in biology resulted in a publication when he was only 10 years old—an article describing a rare albino sparrow that he had seen in a local park. Shortly thereafter, he began assisting in the local natural history museum, where he helped classify its zoology collection. He began studying molluscs and published articles on them when he was still in his teens. As a result of these articles, Piaget was offered a curator’s position at the Geneva museum of natural history—one that he was forced to decline in order to finish school. He was 14 years old at the time.

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  The Study Of Primary Education

  A Source Book - Volume 3: School Organization And Management

  • Colin Connor, Brenda Lofthouse(Authors)
  • 2020(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  As Piaget’s work has been popularized and simplified, it has often been misinterpreted, taken out of context of his overall view and prematurely applied. Piaget’s formulation is not easy to understand. In formulating his theories Piaget draws models and synthesized information from the fields of biology, mathematics, philosophy, physical sciences, and psychology. Therefore, a knowledge of the major concepts in these fields is essential and a knowledge of French is helpful to grasp fully Piaget’s theories.

  [Adide then goes on to indicate the main elements of Piaget’s ideas in terms of their significance to education.]

  Assessing Student’s Cognitive Levels

  In order to adjust his teaching strategies to the class as a whole, and to plan for appropriate activities to meet different individual needs, a teacher utilizes various diagnostic techniques to assess his students’ conceptual level. As the experienced teacher knows, not all of these techniques are effective.

  Piaget has made two important contributions, one theoretical the other practical, to help the teacher in this assessment (a) by delineating four critical stages of development which the teacher can look for in his studies, and (b) by providing a simple but effective clinical method of listening to student’s errors so that their appropriate level of development can be assessed.

  Piaget’s Developmental Stages

  Piaget describes intellectual development as evolving through various stages in the individual development of the child. In Piaget’s words: ‘development is achieved by successive levels and stages’,3 each of which lays the foundation for its successors. The four most important stages he recognizes are now well known: the sensory-motor stage, the pre-operational stage, the concrete operational stage, and the stage of formal operations. [Detail of these stages is provided in the previous extract by Isaacs (pp. 283-8).]

  Let us note he writes that these stages are precisely characterized by their set order of succession... That is, in order to reach a certain stage, previous steps must be taken, and the prestructures which make for further advance must be constructed.4

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  Seven Pioneers of Psychology

  Behaviour and Mind

  • R. Fuller(Author)
  • 2005(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  6 Jean Piaget (1896–1980)

  Peter E.Bryant

  Jean Piaget was born in Neuchâtel, Switzerland, in 1896. As a boy he showed brilliant promise in zoology, publishing his first scientific paper at the age of 10. By the age of 15, several articles on molluscs had gained him a reputation amongst European zoologists.

  After completing a doctorate in zoology at the University of Neuchâtel, he went to Zurich where he studied psychiatry at Eugen Bleuler’s clinic under both Bleuler and Carl Jung. He then went to work at the Sorbonne in Paris for two years, during which time he carried out research with Simon, who had earlier collaborated with Binet. Piaget was given the task of trying out new intellectual tests with children and became interested in the reasoning which they adopted to solve these tasks and how this reasoning changed with age. This experience was the starting point for his long time pursuit of the empirical study of the development of children’s thinking, for which he developed a quasi-clinical method. The method involved a careful questioning of the subject during the course of an experimental procedure and much of his early work was based on such observation and experiment carried out on his two daughters.

  With his theory of intellectual development, Piaget sought to make a contribution to a discipline he helped found: genetic epistemology (originally named by the American psychologist J.M.Baldwin). Genetic epistemology is interdisciplinary, concerned with the nature and origins of human knowledge and drawing upon philosophy, biology and cybernetics, as well as psychology.

  On his return to Switzerland, he was made Director of the Institut Jean Jacques Rousseau, and later (1929) became Professor of Child Psychology at the University of Geneva. In 1955

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  Theoretical Approaches in Psychology

  • Matt Jarvis(Author)
  • 2005(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  animism, in which children think that inanimate objects such as their toys possess human attributes, including feelings and motives. In answer to a question about how their toys have been behaving, a child may respond that a teddy bear is presently in disgrace for deliberately refusing to obey instructions. Artificialism and animism were both first described by the eminent child psychologist Jean Piaget. Piaget developed the cognitive-developmental approach to psychology, and we shall spend a fair bit of this chapter looking at his work. First though, let us pick out some of the features of the cognitive-developmental approach:

  • The cognitive-developmental approach is primarily concerned with thinking and reasoning, as opposed to behaviour or feelings.
  • Thinking and reasoning do not merely become more sophisticated with increasing experience, but the type of logic the child is capable of differs entirely according to its age. Thus animism and artificialism are typical of the way in which a young child thinks about the world.
  • A major influence on human behaviour, feelings and thinking is the type of reasoning the person is capable of. For example, if a child gets angry and punishes a toy, a cognitive-developmental explanation might focus on the child’s tendency for animism. This is in contrast to a psychodynamic perspective that might emphasise instead the emotional significance of the child displacing anger on to a toy.

  Later in this chapter we can look at how the cognitivedevelopmental approach has been applied to the field of education. First, however, let us look at two major theories of cognitive development: those of Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky.

  Piaget’s theory of cognitive development

  Piaget researched and wrote on the subject of cognitive development from 1929 to 1980. Unlike previous psychologists,Piaget suggested that the way children think is not merely less sophisticated than adults, because it is based on less knowledge, but that it is also qualitatively different—i.e. children simply do not think in the same way as adults.

  This idea was extremely radical when Piaget started out, but it has now become generally accepted in cognitive-developmental psychology. In fact you may regard this as common sense. Piaget was interested both in how children learnt and in how they thought. We can have a look at these issues.

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  Piaget Vygotsky

  The Social Genesis Of Thought

  • Anastasia Tryphon, Jacques Vonèche, ANASTASIA TRYPHON, Jacques Vonèche(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Psychology Press

    (Publisher)

  CHAPTER EIGHT Construction and interpretation: Exploring a joint perspective on Piaget and Vygotsky

  Jens Brockmeier University of Innsbruck and Linacre College, Oxford

  PIAGET: THE PHILOSOPHER

  Over the nearly 70 years of his intellectual life, Piaget never lost sight of the philosophical dimension of psychology. From his very beginnings as a biologist and philosopher of science until his late works, he always considered the scientific and psychological study of human development as part of a wider philosophical and anthropological project. Moreover, Piaget’s well known epistemological enterprise was preceded and accompanied by a moral enterprise which gave his activities the air of a grand “existential project”—a religious (Protestant), political (socialist) and philosophical (Bergsonian) project, as Fernando Vidal (1994) has described it in his historical reconstruction of the world and Weltanschaung of the young man from Neuchâtel at the beginning of this century. Piaget’s biological and psychological science of knowledge, his “genetic” (that is, developmental) epistemology, was essentially an experimental philosophy which sought to answer epistemological and, in the end, moral questions through the developmental study of the child.

  By weaving together insights from many disciplines, Piaget hoped to create a broader understanding of how the mind works—above all how its modes of conceptualisation develop. This fundamentally philosophical stance makes him an exceptional figure in 20th-century academic psychology, leaving aside what may remain of his monumental system of genetic epistemology. Piaget’s thoughts about the philosophical presuppositions and implications of psychological issues set standards—even if all too quickly ignored by most developmental psychologists thereafter.

  Certainly it has always been difficult, if not impossible, to reach the standards of his sophisticated epistemological explorations in psychology. They are both challenging and encouraging, even if one does not agree with his basic convictions. So I shall deal in this chapter with some issues concerning the epistemological status of a kind of psychology that has emerged in contrast not least to Piaget’s psychology. In outlining this contrast, I will examine a Piagetian line of argument presented in the current debate about culturally oriented, discursive psychology. Specifically, I shall discuss the perspective of the new developmental theory of “the child’s theory of mind” which claims to have overcome some of the essential limitations of Piaget’s conception of the mind.

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  Critical Readings on Piaget

  • Leslie Smith(Author)
  • 2002(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  1

  Richard F.Kitchener

  ABSTRACT

  Piaget’s sociological theory is not widely discussed among sociologists, partly because much of it is contained in untranslated French works. In this chapter I summarize several aspects of Piaget’s sociological views, especially his social exchange theory, and briefly indicate its relevance to several current theories in sociology and social psychology.

  Rejecting both Durkheim’s sociologist holism and Tarde’s individualism, Piaget advances a sociological relativism (relationalism) in which all social facts are reducible to social relations and these, in turn, are reducible to rules, values, and signs. Piaget’s theory of social values takes the form of a social exchange theory characterized first in an abstract, logical way—its structural aspect—and second its developmental aspects. Piaget claims social exchange requires normative principles of reciprocity and that individual social development results in such an equilibrium because rationality itself is social in nature and based upon social co-operation. These views, in turn, derive from his orthogenetic view concerning the course of evolution: development can be characterized as an increase in equilibrium manifested both in individual action and in social interaction.

  INTRODUCTION

  A sociologist might read a score of books on sociological theory before encountering the name of Jean Piaget. For although Jean Piaget is widely known for his theory of cognitive development, his name is not a house-hold word among most sociologists. Textbooks on sociological theory typically do not mention his name or discuss his ideas. When Piaget is discussed, it is usually his theory of moral development and symbolic interactionism that is mentioned.2 Several sociologists3 are also aware that Piaget has written an influential book on structuralism4 and must be counted as an important structuralist thinker.5 But that Piaget himself has articulated a distinctive structuralist sociology has apparently escaped the attention of most sociologists.6

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  Parenting Behaviour and Children's Cognitive Development

  • Sara Meadows(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Psychology Press

    (Publisher)

  The big divide, I think, is between those models where development is largely asocial and predominantly endogenous, and those where it is socially constituted or exogenous. There is a basic philosophical divide here which places Hegel on one side and Kant on the other (see, e.g. Markova, 1982); or, in contemporary work, at one extreme we have nativist theories postulating innate ideas (e.g. Fischer & Bidell, 1991; Fodor, 1981, 1983; and see also Plomin, 1994b; Plomin & McClearn, 1993) and at the other we are essentially constituted by our society (e.g. Bronfennbrenner & Ceci, 1993; Mayall, 1994). Most developmental psychologists agree that "cognitive development" involves change from a starting point which includes some innate predispositions, if not ideas, towards later states which vary in their content and in their sources, and that this change comes about largely through an active engagement of the individual with the physical and social worlds; however, emphases within this general agreement differ considerably. The debate in the psychology of cognitive development is embodied in the work of Piaget and Vygotsky. Each acknowledged that cognitive development is both endogenous and influenced by the outside social world, and each admired the other's work even when there were disagreements, but they developed different emphases, particularly regarding the role of adult-child interaction in the development of the child's cognition (Glassman. 1994; Van der Veer & Valsiner, 1991). I will outline their theories in turn. Piagetian theory has been understood as marginalising the role of adults in children's cognitive development, and so might be judged to be irrelevant to this essay, but an understanding of this child-centred approach is essential for an appreciation of the strengths and the problems of theory which takes the alternative approach and centres on adults' contributions to children's cognition.

  Piagetian Theory and Adult-Child Interaction in the Development of the Child’s Cognition

  Piaget emphasised the biological nature of cognition, seeing it as one form of the general struggle for "adaptation" to the environment which is characteristic of all living organisms and at the heart of evolution, with the motive forces for this struggle being seen as predominantly endogenous. The Piagetian organism owes its development primarily to an innate and inevitable drive to adapt to its environment, through assimilating new information to the structures of knowledge which have already developed, and accommodating its existing structures of knowledge to accumulating new information. It is equipped with a need to "equilibrate"; that is, to maximise consistency, to eliminate contradiction and to ensure coherence in what it knows. It develops through equilibration's orchestration of three disparate things: physical maturation, primarily of the brain; reflection on its experience of the physical world and of the logical rules which can be applied to it; and finally and marginally, social interaction. The last factor is the least emphasised in Piagetian theory. The main form of social interaction which he saw as contributing to cognitive development was conflict with one's peers. This could lead to a recognition that one's own ideas were disagreed with by someone like oneself, and therefore might potentially be disagreed with by oneself too. (Equilibration is also, and more importantly perhaps, driven by the recognition that one actually disagrees with oneself, in an entirely endogenous cognitive conflict.) This recognition of a potential internal conflict is what prompts further reflection, and the revision of old ideas. Piaget (1932, 1968, 1983) implied that disagreement with someone unlike oneself would not have this effect of sparking off an internal disagreement, because it would not be recognised as potentially one's own problem. Disagreement with an adult, especially correction by an adult, would have little benefit for true cognitive development both because adults are viewed as different by children and because the power difference complicates things; the Piagetian child may bow to the adult's authority to the extent of parroting the correction, but will not internalise it. The result of adult instruction in the Piagetian model is limited; it gives rise to passive copying of what the adult has said is right, which does not become integrated with what the child has worked out independently, and may be even more damaging in that it may prevent the child from discovering for him or herself what the adult has taught.

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  Development in Infancy

  • Martha E. Arterberry, Marc H. Bornstein(Authors)
  • 2023(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  equilibration process because it represents a crucial aspect of adaptation that is brought into play to resolve contradictions between children’s scheme-based comprehension of the world and the reality in which children live. Piaget was primarily interested in processes whereby mental equilibrium at more and more reality-based levels can be attained.

  KEY TERMS

  Equilibration

  a balance in adaptation between the child’s comprehension of the world at any given stage and the reality of the world

  Action as the Basis of Knowledge

  Piaget contended that knowledge begins with action and that acquiring knowledge depends on doing rather than observing passively (although we know that observational learning does often occur). Thus, Piaget was a “constructivist” in that he believed that individuals actively build their own development. Piaget’s influence is evident in our book’s frequent stress on the active role infants play in shaping their own development (see also Arterberry & Kellman, 2016 ; Lerner, 2018 ).

  KEY POINTS

  • According to Piaget, infants learn about their world through interacting in it
  • These sensorimotor experiences allow infants to enact and modify schemes through a process akin to adaptation
  • As infants encounter new information they incorporate it into their existing scheme (way of thinking), called assimilation, or they modify their way of thinking in light of this new information, called accommodation

  What features characterize stages of infant development?

  Perhaps the best-known feature of Piaget’s theory is his doctrine of stages. Piaget hypothesized that mental development unfolds in an invariant sequence of cognitive developmental periods. As a whole, infancy encompasses a sensorimotor period

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  Children's Informal Ideas in Science

  • P. J. Black, A. M. Lucas(Authors)
  • 2002(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  From a methodological point of view, Piaget established a tradition. He went into schools and talked informally to children; he usually devised some interesting activity or task for the child to do as the focus of the conversation; but above all he listened to and valued what children said. This approach, known as the clinical method, has now been widely adopted, but unfortunately is sometimes not carried out with as much care as Piaget himself insisted on.

  Epistemological concerns were the focus of Piaget’s work and not psychology for its own sake. His essential quest was to understand knowledge—what it is and how it develops. More than this he wanted to know what types of knowledge were essential to our view of reality, with each of these informing an area of research. So Piaget’s main concern was to trace how these various areas of knowledge developed, with children illustrating development rather than speaking in their own right. Thus much of his research describes in detail children’s reactions to many hundreds of ingeniously conceived tasks within specific knowledge domains: for example, number, space and geometry, and physical quantities, to name only a few.

  Fundamentally what Piaget’s work showed was that children’s ideas about the world are importantly different from those of the adult, and certainly from those of the science teacher, and that if ‘knowledge’ is so evidently an evolutionary process, then all the stages leading up to it must be vital to the child. Thus the way in which children understand the world at any given moment, though to adults it may appear wrong, or strange, or even childish, is of great importance to them. Each new step in understanding is a necessary phase in its evolution; each new insight is like a springboard to the next stage.

  Piaget was interested in universals, in knowledge that was common to all individuals and in structures that would allow him to hypothesise mental links between very different conceptual domains. For Piaget, an individual’s thinking about reality was determined by his or her present mental structure.

  It is crucial to distinguish between the idea and discovery of structure and the way in which it is formalized. Many, not satisfied with Piaget’s structural models, have shown that they are not adequate representations of thinking. Such criticisms do not argue against structuralism but against the particular model chosen. Research is still going on around the issues of the nature of development, and problems of discontinuity or continuity.

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  Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers

  An applied approach

  • Dennis McInerney, David Putwain(Authors)
  • 2016(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  There are, nevertheless, many similarities in the implications of Vygotsky’s and Piaget’s theories for the classroom. Both emphasise the importance of active involvement by children in learning, and the process of learning rather than the product. They both emphasise the importance of peer interaction, grounding learning experiences in the real world of experiences for children, and the need for the teacher to take account of individual differences when structuring learning experiences for children.

  Piaget suggests the prior need for developmental maturity in order for children to benefit from particular learning experiences, and the importance of unstructured experiences and self-initiated discovery for children’s cognitive development, Vygotsky emphasises the need for guidance and assisted-discovery to lead development (Fuson, 2009). Vygotsky (1962, 1978; Vygotsky et al., 2012) also emphasises language as a major means by which cognitive development occurs. Piaget, in contrast, believes that cognitive development occurs independently of language development, and facilitates the acquisition of language.

  ACTIVITY POST

  The importance and function of language in cognitive development is debated. Is language a result of cognitive development or does it drive cognitive development? Search the Internet and see if you can shed light on this issue. Write a brief report summarising your findings.

  Jerome Bruner Concept development

  An alternative conception of cognitive growth and development was provided by Jerome Bruner. His conceptualisation is still influential today so we provide a brief description for you to consider. For Bruner (1960, 1961, 1966, 1973) the process of intellectual growth and learning consists in children gradually organising their environment into meaningful units by a process called conceptualisation . These meaningful units are termed categories

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  Changing the Subject

  Psychology, Social Regulation and Subjectivity

  • Julian Henriques, Wendy Hollway, Cathy Urwin, Couze Venn, Valerie Walkerdine(Authors)
  • 2003(Publication Date)
  • Routledge

    (Publisher)

  Developmental psychology and the child-centred pedagogy: the insertion of Piaget into early education 1

  Valerie Walkerdine

  Introduction

  The British primary school is taken to be a paradigm of practice for a considerable proportion of the western world. Here, children are to be enabled to develop at their own pace, to work individually, to be free and to grow up into rational adults. Such at least is the ambition of the pedagogy. In her book Children’s Minds (1978) Margaret Donaldson begins by painting for us a picture of such a school, with children full of wonderment at the joy of learning. What, she asks, goes wrong? Why, in this model, do so many children apparently fail to learn and why does such a promising start end in failure for so many of them? The dream of the pedagogy which will set children free, which will serve as the motor of liberation, is not a new one: it is present in the early progressive movement of the 1920s and 1930s and is a familiar feature of the progressivism central to radical approaches to education in the 1970s. Is it a pipe-dream, this dream of the pedagogy to aid the liberation of children and thus promote some transformation in the social domain? Is it that the conditions for such a pedagogy are not possible? Why do so many children fail and what part does developmental psychology play in all this?

  In this chapter I shall argue that one of the major problems with the notion of developmental psychology as implicated in a pedagogy of liberation is in the way the terms of the argument are posed. Margaret Donald-son’s answer lies in a more effective psychology which can be more accurate in telling us how children ‘really learn’ and therefore how to produce better, lasting learning. This seems an unproblematic enough goal. But is it as simple as it looks? What I aim to demonstrate is that the very lynchpin of developmental psychology, the ‘developing child’, is an object premised on the location of certain capacities within ‘the child’ and therefore within the domain of psychology. Other features are thereby externalized as aspects of a social domain which influence or affect the pattern of development and, consequently, the conditions of educability. It is axiomatic to developmental psychology that there exist a set of empirically demonstrable foundations for its claims to truth about the psychological development of children. In chapter 3 (pp. 119–52) we examined how psychology’s claims to truth are premised on the constitution of the individual as an object of science in certain historically specific conditions of possibility. In the light of that analysis I will examine the conditions which make possible and produce our modern form of primary schooling which I have referred to as the ‘child-centred pedagogy’. My aim, then, is to demonstrate the problem in assuming that the way out of dilemmas about the possibility of both a liberatory pedagogy and a ‘social’ developmental psychology is in the limitconditions of the project of a developmental psychology itself. Because of the way that the object of a developmental psychology is formulated, it is impossible to produce the radical theory which would fulfil the hopes of many within the discipline.2

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